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Arthur  Shipton, 
Buxton. 


THE  FALL  OF 
THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 


1^ 


WILLIAM   V 
After  a  mezzotint  by  Hodgea 


THE 

FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH 
REPUBLIC 

BT 

HENDRIK  WnXEM  VAN  LOON 

WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS 


LonOon 
CONSTABLE   &  CO.    Limited 

BOSTON    AND   NEW   YORK 

HOUGHTON    MIFFLIN    COMPANY 
1913 


COPYRIGHT,   1913,  BY  HENDRIK  WILLEM  VAN  LOON 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


TO  THE  MEMORY 

OF 

MY  MOTHER 


*'The  best  History  is  hut  like  the  art  of  Rembrandt;  it 
casts  a  vivid  light  on  certain  selected  causes^  on  those 
which  were  best  and  greatest;  it  leaves  all  the  rest  in 
shadow  and  unseen." 

BusKEN  HuET,  in  Uet  Land  van  Rembrandt. 


TO  THE  READER 

The  following  conversation  is  not  uncommon: 

The  well-intentioned  Patron  of  Arts  and  Letters 
asks  the  Author  what  he  is  doing. 

"Writing  a  History." 

"That  is  good.  Very  good.  A  History  of  what.'^ " 

"The  Fall  of  the  Dutch  Republic." 

"Splendid!  That  is  what  Motley  has  done,  too, 
and  we  need  some  new  light  on  the  subject.  Look 
at  it  from  a  modern,  up-to-date  point  of  view  — 
show  us  how  the  People  .  .  .  Hold  on,  now.  I  am 
wrong.  You  said,  'The  Fall  of  the  Dutch  Repub- 
lic'.^^  Motley  wrote  the  Rise.  Why,  I  did  not  know 
that  the  thing  had  ever  fallen." 

And  then,  most  welcome  Reader,  it  appeared  that 
out  of  a  hundred  interested  inquirers,  ninety-nine 
had  none  but  the  very  vaguest  conceptions  of  the 
adventures  of  the  Dutch  Republic  from  the  moment 
it  had  ceased  to  be  chronicled  by  the  Great  Amer- 
ican Historian.  Some  few,  who  had  taken  English 
history  in  college,  had  dim  recollections  of  a  certain 
William  of  Orange  who  as  the  husband  of  Queen 
Mary  had  played  some  sort  of  a  role  in  the  works  of 
the  late  Lord  Macaulay. 

But  the  untimely  death  of  that  famous  English 


X  TO  THE   READER 

author  made  it  uncertain,  how,  when,  and  where 
said  William  had  departed  from  this  world. 

As  to  most  students,  their  stream  of  knowledge 
about  Dutch  history  starts  fresh  and  bright  among 
the  heroic  deeds  of  the  sixteenth  century,  follows  a 
less  impetuous  course  during  the  seventeenth,  and 
runs  itself  to  death  among  the  dry  sands  of  the 
eighteenth.  They  are  aware  of  the  undeniable  fact 
that  at  the  present,  moment  there  exists  a  Kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands.  But  what  lies  between  the 
days  of  William  III  (of  Macaulay  fame)  and  the 
foundation  of  the  modern  kingdom,  is  a  subject  of 
quite  as  much  speculation  as  the  mediaeval  history 
of  Greece  or  China.  It  has  been  my  intention  to 
supply  the  missing  link  for  the  benefit  of  American 
readers. 

My  fellow  countrymen  are  fully  informed  about 
this  subject.  At  least,  they  ought  to  be.  Next  to 
the  excellent  general  history  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury in  Professor  Blok*s  History  of  the  Dutch  People^ 
they  have  in  the  special  studies  of  Dr.  Colenbrander 
a  work  which,  measured  by  our  deficient  human 
standards,  is  well-nigh  perfect. 

For  the  writing  of  a  book  of  such  scope,  the  pre- 
sent writer  possesses  neither  the  energy  nor  the  pa- 
tience nor  the  ability.  He  can  only  aspire  to  write 
a  short  story  of  the  main  events  which  brought 
about  the  ruin  of  the  old  Dutch  Republic,  in  the 
hope  that  some  day  a  more  able  pen  will  write  the 
history  of  this  debacle  as  it  deserves  to  be  written. 


TO  THE  READER  xi 

This  book,  therefore,  does  not  pretend  to  give 
a  finished  picture.  It  is  merely  a  preliminary 
sketch.  The  Author  has  faithfully  tried  to  make  it 
as  short  as  possible.  He  has  endeavored  to  omit 
as  much  as  could  possibly  be  discarded  without 
spoiling  a  certain  impression  which  he  wanted  to 
leave  upon  his  Reader. 

Dates  and  names,  which  on  the  whole  do  not  tell 
most  readers  anything,  have  been  referred  to  only 
when  necessary.  A  full  set  of  notes  will  tell  the 
more  inquisitive  Brethren  where  they  can  find  the 
grounds  upon  which  the  Author  has  based  his  opin- 
ions. 

There  remains  the  question  of  literary  style  and 
even  correct  English. 

For  the  better  part  of  his  life  the  Author  has  not 
been  familiar  with  the  intricacies  and  peculiarities 
of  that  curious  institution  known  as  the  English 
language.  A  kind  friend  has  hunted  through  the 
pages  of  the  manuscript  and  has  eradicated  the 
more  evident  solecisms. 

For  the  remaining  semi  and  entire  absurdities, 
the  Author  begs  the  Reader's  kind  indulgence  and 
his  pardon. 

But  before  he  ends  this  peroration,  allow  him  one 
more  remark.  The  present  work,  with  all  its  imper- 
fections, would  never  have  been  written  if  it  had 
not  been  for  the  friendly  encouragement  and  sup- 
port of  a  host  of  kind  people,  on  whom  the  Author 


xii  TO  THE  READER 

had  no  claim  whatsoever.  Since  printing  is  expens- 
ive in  this  country,  he  will  not  try  to  enumerate 
them  in  a  complete  Hst.  But  when  next  in  con- 
temporary literature  and  public  print  you  have 
it  clearly  demonstrated  that  your  good  country  is 
going  to  constitutional  dissolution  and  economic 
ruin,  take  courage. 

For  the  Lord  must  have  his  own  most  special 
plans  for  a  country  which  treats  the  stranger  within 
its  gates  as  well  as  it  has  treated  the  Reader's  most 
humble  servant, 

Hendrik  Willem  van  Loon. 

The  Camp  House 
Dublin,  N.  H.,  31  October,  1912. 


CONTENTS 

L  Political  Development 1 

n.  Economic  and  Social  Development       ....    42 

m.  William  IV 116 

rV.  The  Princess  Anna 142 

V.  The  Duke  of  Brunswick 158 

VI.  The  American  Revolution         174 

Vn.  The  Last  English  War 217 

Vm.  The  Patriots 288 

IX.  Last  Years 373 

Epilogue      .      .      .      ,      ^ 400 

Appendix 409 

Notes 411 

Bibliography 415 

Index 425 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

William  V Frontispiece 

After  a  mezzotint  by  Hodges. 

The  Palace  of  the  Stadholders  at  the  Hague  during  the 
Annual  Fair 100 

After  an  engraving  by  D.  Marot. 

Illumination  of  Amsterdam  Town  Hall  for  the  State 
Visit  of  William  V  and  his  Wife,  Mat  3,  1768       .      .  138 
After  an  engraving  by  S.  Fokke. 

William  V  and  the  Princess  Wilhelmina  leave  Amsterdam 

AFTER  their  FiRST  OFFICIAL  ViSIT,  JUNE  4,  1768    .         .         .    170 
After  an  engraving  by  S.  Fokke. 

Joan  Derck  van  der  Capellen  van  de  Poll        .      .      .  200 
After  an  engraving  by  L.  J.  Cathelin. 

Dress  Parade  of  the  Amsterdam  Volunteer  Corps  called 

"Tot  Nut  der  Schuttery"  250 

After  an  engraving  by  J.  S.  van  der  Meer. 

Violent  Encounter  between  Patriotic  Militia  and  Citi- 
zens IN  Rotterdam  on  April  3,  1784 300 

The  Princess  Wilhelmina 350 

After  a  bust  by  M.  A.  Falconnet. 

Map  of  the  Central  Part  of  the  Dutch  Republic  End  Papers 
Drawn  by  the  author. 


THE  FALL  OF 
THE  DUTCH   REPUBLIC 

CHAPTER  I 

POLmCAL  DEVELOPMENT 

In  December  of  the  year  of  our  Lord  1794,  the  re- 
volutionary French  armies  crossed  the  frozen  rivers 
of  Brabant  to  attack  the  Dutch  Republic.  During 
the  first  days  of  January,  1795,  they  crossed  the 
Maas  and  the  Waal  and  entered  Dutch  territory.^ 
Wherever  they  came,  towns  and  villages  fell  into 
their  hands,  and  the  few  fortifications  they  met  were 
surrendered  without  the  firing  of  a  single  gun.  On 
January  16,  the  strong  town  of  Utrecht  opened  its 
gates  to  the  invaders.  On  the  evening  of  the  next 
day,  the  States  General  assembled  in  the  Hague  de- 
cided that  under  the  circumstances  further  opposi- 
tion was  impracticable  and  that  surrender  was  the 
only  possibility.  At  midnight  of  the  next  day,  the 
18th,  William  V,  the  last  hereditary  Stadholder  of 
the  Republic  of  the  United  Netherlands,  left  the 
country  and  fled  to  England.  A  few  weeks  more  and 
the  Republic  had  ceased  to  exist.  Her  place  was 
taken  by  the  "Batavian  Republic,"  a  political  de- 
pendency of  victorious  France.  So,  in  a  few  days. 


2     FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

a  work  was  destroyed  which  it  had  taken  centuries 
to  build  up. 

To  the  contemporary  the  end  came  in  no  way  as 
a  surprise.  If  there  was  occasion  for  surprise  it  was 
in  the  fact  that  the  RepubHc  had  managed  to  exist 
as  long  as  it  had.  For  many  years  it  had  been  on 
the  road  towards  political  and  economical  bank- 
ruptcy. But  the  respect  which  the  Republic  as  a 
rich  and  well-managed  community  had  enjoyed 
for  many  centuries  had  enabled  it  to  survive  long 
after  its  affairs  had  ceased  to  be  sound.  Like  many 
another  business  (and  as  matter  of  fact  it  was  little 
more  than  a  large  business  house  with  a  small  ad- 
mixture of  politics),  it  had  been  living  on  its  old 
reputation,  contented  to  vegetate  in  peace,  striving 
with  all  its  might  to  put  off  the  day  when  the  true 
state  of  its  affairs  should  be  discovered. 

But  now  a  new  power  had  sprung  up  in  Europe, 
a  power  which  respected  neither  hereditary  rights 
nor  old  traditions,  and  which,  having  put  its  own 
house  in  order  after  its  own  fashion,  had  started 
out  to  bring  its  own  particular  salvation  to  its  im- 
mediate neighbors  and  the  world  in  general,  whether 
they  wanted  it  or  not. 

And  behold,  a  very  little  shock  and  the  old  es- 
tablished Republic  fell  to  pieces!  The  board  of 
directors  with  their  president  at  their  head  fled  for 
their  lives,  and  the  stockholders  permitted  them- 
selves to  be  reorganized  upon  an  entirely  new  basis. 
So  disgusted  had  the  general  mass  of  the  public 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  3 

become  with  their  former  leaders  and  their  methods 
that  they  hailed  the  reorganization  with  joy  and 
loudly  welcomed  the  new  era  of  liberty,  equahty  and 
fraternity,  which  their  new  masters  had  promised. 

In  the  following  pages  we  shall  try  to  describe 
how  all  this  was  possible;  how  the  mighty  Repub- 
lic which  had  once  held  in  its  hands  the  destiny  of 
Europe  became  a  smug-living  society  of  "rentiers"; 
how  all  attempts  to  instill  new  blood,  new  energy, 
and  vigor  into  the  decaying  body  failed  through  the 
stupidity  of  those  who  were  called  to  be  the  leaders 
of  the  people;  and  how  it  came  to  pass  that  depend- 
ency upon  France  seemed  to  most  citizens  prefer- 
able to  independence  under  the  old  national  system 
of  government. 

The  Republic  of  the  United  Seven  Netherlands 
had  been  unique  among  the  states  of  Europe.  Other 
republics  had  existed  before,  from  the  very  times  of 
Athens  and  Sparta  to  the  days  of  Venice  and  the 
Federation  of  the  Swiss  Cantons.  Never  before, 
however,  had  there  been  a  republic  which  had  been 
created  and  was  maintained  exclusively  by  the  third 
estate  —  by  the  middle  classes.  This  origin  gave 
the  Republic  a  character  which  stuck  to  it  until  the 
end  of  its  days.  It  is  true,  the  government  soon  de- 
veloped into  an  oligarchy,  and  even  in  its  best  days 
it  had  nothing  in  common  with  a  true  democracy. 
But  the  essential  fact  remains  that  the  Republic 
until  its  very  end  was  true  to  its  original  character, 
and  that  the  oligarchy  which  ruled  it  never  sue- 


4     FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

ceeded  in  changing  itself  into  an  established  aris- 
tocracy. 

During  the  early  and  the  late  Middle  Ages,  the 
different  provinces,  which  later  constituted  the 
commonwealth,  were  not  in  any  respects  different 
from  the  rest  of  Europe.  They  had  this  marked  ad- 
vantage, that  they  were  situated  upon  the  confines  of 
the  great  German  Empire  and  were  therefore  spared 
much  of  the  annoyance  of  the  mediaeval  struggle 
between  German  Emperor  and  Roman  Pope.  But 
like  the  whole  of  Europe  of  that  day,  the  Low 
Countries  were  gradually  divided  into  a  number  of 
duchies,  counties,  and  bishoprics,  and  witnessed  the 
foundation  of  a  number  of  cities  which  as  seats  of 
the  local  potentates  came  to  some  small  power  and 
influence,  though  they  did  not  play  much  of  a  role. 
Their  isolated  position  and  the  many  large  rivers 
and  inland  seas  which  divided  them  from  the  main- 
land gave  them  a  certain  amount  of  safety,  and  made 
them  familiar  with  life  on  the  water.  At  the  same 
time,  the  total  absence  of  raw  products  of  any  sort 
forced  their  surplus  population  to  look  for  a  differ- 
ent occupation  from  that  of  farming,  with  which 
during  the  Middle  Ages  the  majority  of  mankind 
was  engaged.  This  occupation  they  found  in  trade, 
in  carrying  goods  in  their  small  ships  from  the  Con- 
tinent to  England  and  along  the  coast  of  the  Baltic. 
When  in  the  thirteenth  century  the  herring  left  the 
Baltic  and  came  to  the  North  Sea,  they  also  estab- 
lished fisheries.  During  the  Middle  Ages,  the  south- 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  5 

ern  part  was  by  far  the  more  prosperous.  As  early 
as  the  twelfth  century  the  town  of  Bruges  played  a 
role  similar  to  that  of  London  or  New  York  in  our 
own  day.  The  northern  part,  which  in  size'and  shape 
corresponds  to  the  present  Kingdom  of  Holland, 
was  fairly  comfortable,  but  certainly  no  more.  It 
had  a  few  industries,  but  these  worked  exclusively 
for  home  consumption. 

In  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  to  which  they  be- 
longed oflBcially,  these  different  little  states  took 
no  interest  after  the  eleventh  century.  In  the 
twelfth  century  they  began  to  separate  themselves 
from  their  large  neighbor  in  the  matter  of  language. 
This  separation  made  a  common  sovereign  impos- 
sible, and  allowed  each  of  the  little  feudal  lords  to 
work  out  his  own  salvation.  Fortunately  for  the 
country  the  lord's  own  salvation  and  that  of  his 
subjects  did  not  run  in  as  diametrically  opposite 
directions  as  they  usually  did  during  the  days  of 
feudalism.  The  country  was  not  favorable  for  the 
development  of  petty  tyrants.  Liberty  has  always 
followed  the  shores  of  the  ocean.  Peasants  in  the 
Tyrol  or  central  Germany,  when  maltreated  by 
their  masters,  had  nowhere  else  to  go  except  to  the 
next  county,  where  they  might  find  a  worse  em- 
ployer than  the  one  they  had  left  at  home.  In  a 
country,  open  on  all  sides  and  surrounded  by  water, 
the  disgruntled  subject  could  sail  away  and  begin 
a  new  life  within  the  walls  of  some  near-by  city. 
These  little  cities,  the  result  of  the  moderate  amount 


6     FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  prosperity  caused  by  trade  and  commerce,  were 
strongholds  _  against  which  more  than  one  small 
potentate  broke  his  neck.  Wherefore  it  behooved 
the  small  potentate  to  leave  them  in  peace  and 
treat  his  devoted  subjects  with  some  circumspec- 
tion. 

The  absence  of  agricultural. life,  as  known  in  the 
rest  of  the  world,  made  an  early  introduction  of  the 
economic  system  possible  and  brought  its  benefits 
to  the  country  as  a  whole.  For  the  feudal  master 
could  subsist  only  so  long  as  there  was  a  feudal 
system  to  support  him.  The  moment  the  economic 
system  of  life  prevailed  over  the  feudal,  his  feudal 
lordship  commenced  to  starve.  The  only  way  to 
keep  from  starvation  was  by  obtaining  actual 
money,  not  butter  and  beeswax  and  cattle  and  the 
Uke.  This  actual  money  was  not  to  be  found  among 
the  peasants,  many  of  whom  never  saw  a  coin  dur- 
ing their  entire  lives.  It  was  to  be  found  only  within 
the  walls  of  the  cities,  and  there  were  two  ways  in 
which  to  get  it.  One  was  to  take  the  city  and  steal 
its  contents.  The  other  was  to  offer  to  the  city  for 
money  what  you  might  have  to  give  it  some  day  for 
nothing.  This  latter  method  was  the  more  advan- 
tageous. Gradually  the  feudal  lords,  for  certain 
considerations  of  cash-down,  sold  as  many  rights 
and  privileges  as  the  cities  cared  to  buy.  The  cities 
put  those  rights  and  privileges,  duly  signed  and 
sealed,  in  a  strong-box,  and  placed  the  strong-box  in 
the  tower  of  the  town  hall.   In  the  few  cases  where 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  7 

the  town  hall  has  not  been  burned  down,  we  may 
still  see  these  documents,  and  from  them  understand 
how  a  certain  amount  of  the  old  Germanic  spirit  of 
freedom  never  died  out. 

A  detailed  history  of  the  Northern  Lowlands  dur- 
ing the  Middle  Ages  may  be  of  interest  to  the 
specialist;  to  humanity  in  general  it  means  little 
more  than  the  mediaeval  history  of  Denmark  or 
Corea.  There  was  no  essentially  Dutch  civilization, 
no  Dutch  school  of  architecture  or  music.  As  for 
painting,  there  was  very  little,  except  in  the  south, 
where  the  Flemish  School  attracted  all  the  young 
talent  of  the  north  —  attracted  it  by  better  pay  and 
by  a  more  congenial  civilization. 

Up  to  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the 
south  had  it  all  its  own  way.  The  north  was  the 
backwoods,  the  country  districts,  where  people 
took  an  interest  in  religious  matters  and  started 
all  manner  of  queer  puritanical  brotherhoods,  long 
after  that  sort  of  thing  was  out  of  fashion  in  the 
civilized  world. 

During  the  fifteenth  century,  the  north  simply 
went  the  way  of  the  rest  of  the  thousands  of  little 
states  that  formed  the  political  map  of  Europe.  A 
powerful  house  of  French  origin,  with  the  ambition 
of  reviving  what  once  had  been  the  inheritance  of 
Lothar,  the  grandson  of  Charlemagne,  started  to 
buy,  steal,  or  marry  the  different  little  principalities 
between  the  Meuse  and  the  North  Sea;  and  in  little 
more  than  a  century  it  acquired  the  majority  of 


8      FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  little  states,  and  began  upon  a  course  of  gradual 
amalgamation.  To  each  little  duchy  or  county,  or 
whatever  it  was,  was  left  its  own  shape  and  form  and 
local  government;  but  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy  be- 
came their  common  head,  and  replaced  the  former 
duke  or  count  or  lord,  and  ruled  over  them  through 
their  appointed  representatives  —  their  governors 
or  stadholders. 

At  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  great 
plans  of  the  House  of  Burgundy  collapsed  because 
the  family  had  died  out.  Its  inheritance  went  to 
the  House  of  Hapsburg,  which,  from  a  small  Swiss 
family  of  second-rate  nobles,  had  by  this  time 
worked  itself  up  to  a  position  of  great  importance 
in  Europe.  A  Hapsburg  was  Emperor  in  Germany, 
King  of  Spain,  and  King  of  Hungary,  Supreme  Ruler 
of  all  the  little  states  in  the  Netherlands  and  of  many 
in  Italy. 

If  we  translate  its  position  into  modern  terms,  we 
might  say  that  the  House  of  Hapsburg  of  the  six- 
teenth century  held  a  controlling  interest  in  the 
shipping  trust,  the  food  trust,  and  the  railroad 
trust.  Most  of  the  world  paid  it  tribute  in  some 
way  or  other.  Nowadays,  the  same  house  holds  a 
controlling  interest  in  Austria  and  in  Spain  only. 

During  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the 
head  of  the  house  was  of  exceptional  capacities. 
Under  normal  conditions  he  would  no  doubt  have 
succeeded  in  getting  his  Dutch  possessions  into  such 
shape  that  a  large  and  united  Dutch  kingdom  might 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  9 

have  grown  out  of  it;  a  combination  of  present-day 
Belgium  and  Holland.  But  the  same  conditions, 
which  in  Germany  retarded  the  process  of  central- 
ization until  within  the  last  fifty  years,  also  pre- 
vented the  small  Dutch  states  from  continuing  in 
their  normal  development. 

The  chief  cause  of  this  retardation  was  the  Re- 
formation. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Low  Countries  had  al- 
ways been  good  Catholics.  More  than  that,  they 
had  been  intensely  and  almost  puritanically  inter- 
ested in  religious  matters.  The  Catholic  Church, 
in  its  struggle  with  the  German  Empire  for  su- 
premacy in  political  as  well  as  in  religious  matters, 
had  more  and  more  become  a  worldly  institution 
and  had  gradually  lost  its  old  character.  To  the 
average  Latin  mind  of  the  sixteenth  century  the 
Church  was  a  sort  of  general  club  to  which  you  be- 
longed as  a  matter  of  course,  which  baptized  you 
and  which  buried  you  and  kept  a  record  of  your 
marriage,  but  which  otherwise  was  not  expected 
to  interfere  with  the  agreeable  pursuits  of  your  daily 
life.  You  took  a  sort  of  polite  interest  in  its  estab- 
lished doctrines  and  went  through  certain  formulas 
at  certain  times.  More  was  not  necessary.  But  here 
in  the  north,  in  the  depressing  and  serious  atmos- 
phere of  a  country  lower  than  sea-level,  religion  had 
always  been  taken  with  a  terrible  amount  of  seri-. 
ousness.  The  easy-going  and  superficial  mind  of 
the  Latin  races  was  a  horror  to  the  heavy  and 


10    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

plodding  mind  of  the  Hollander.  He  took  his  re- 
ligion seriously  because  he  took  everything  in  life 
seriously. 

In  these  countries  nothing  was  (nor  is  now  for 
that  matter)  passed  over  lightly — neither  the  af- 
fairs of  the  soul  nor  those  of  the  body.  The  people 
could  not  help  it.  They  were  made  that  way.  No 
longer  was  each  little  state  obliged  to  be  forever  on 
guard  against  the  attacks  of  its  nearest  neighbors. 
Murder  and  pillaging  between  rival  counties  had 
been  seriously  discouraged.  There  was  no  longer 
any  demand  for  interstate  warfare,  since  all  the 
states  belonged  to  one  master.  The  cities  developed 
rapidly,  and  the  prosperity  of  their  inhabitants  in- 
creased out  of  all  proportion  to  what  it  had  been 
before.  Greater  prosperity  meant  greater  leisure 
and  more  time  to  devote  to  study.  Since  the  print- 
ing-press had  brought  books  within  the  reach  of 
the  well-to-do,  reading  had  become  very  general. 
It  was  reading  of  a  solid  sort,  too,  most  of  the  books 
being  theological  works.  Good  Latin  and  Greek 
schools  were  within  reach  of  anybody  who  showed 
exceptional  ability. 

The  inherent  desire  to  get  at  the  real  internal 
value  of  things,  rather  than  to  be  contented  with 
accepting  their  superficial  meaning,  made  these 
people  take  a  most  serious  and  intense  interest  in 
the  great  theological  discussion  of  their  day.  The 
great  spiritual  revolution  which  occurred  during 
the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  meant  to  the 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  11 

mind  of  man  what  the  revolution  of  our  own  cen- 
tury, in  economic  matters,  may  yet  mean  to  our 
material  lives.  People  felt  that  the  life  of  their  souls 
could  not  go  on  the  way  it  was  then  going  on,  just 
as  we,  in  our  day,  feel  that  there  is  something  wrong 
with  a  system  of  economics  which  starves  the  ma- 
jority without  really  making  the  minority  happier 
or  better. 

During  the  fifteenth  century  repeated  attempts 
had  been  made  to  reform  the  Church.  These  at- 
tempts had  all  failed  utterly.  During  the  early  part 
of  the  sixteenth  century  they  were  renewed  with 
great  ardor  by  the  Germans.  Gradually  and  much 
against  their  own  will  and  their  general  desires,  the 
new  reformers  were  forced  to  leave  the  fold  of  their 
own  Church  and  to  establish  themselves  inde- 
pendently. 

We  are  very  apt  to  think  of  the  Reformation  as  a 
sudden  great  upheaval,  a  sort  of  a  Chinese  revolu- 
tion, to-day  this,  to-morrow  that.  In  Germany  it 
took  more  than  a  century  before  a  final  and  definite 
break  occurred.  It  took  quite  as  long  in  the  Low- 
lands, before  it  became  clear  what  was  going  to  be 
the  definite  outcome  of  the  original  vague  move- 
ment. For  half  a  century,  at  least,  a  compromise 
seemed  quite  possible.  But  it  so  happened  that  the 
Low  Countries  had  as  their  common  ruler  King 
Philip  II  of  Spain,  who  had  inherited  them  from  his 
father  Charles  V,  "who  had  inherited  them  from 
his  grandmother,  Maria  of  Burgundy.  Mr.  Motley 


12    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

having  done  full  justice  to  the  character  of  King 
Philip,  it  would  be  sufficient  to  state  that,  under 
anybody  else,  less  stupidly  narrow-minded  and  less 
bigoted,  there  would  have  been  a  great  chance  of 
preventing  the  religious  reformation  from  also  be- 
coming a  pohtical  movement  and  from  preventing 
the  political  movement  from  becoming  an  actual 
rebelhon.  Revolutions  are  seldom  caused  by  a  ma- 
jority of  all  the  people.  The  majority  of  the  people 
everywhere  and  at  all  times  is  extremely  conserva- 
tive. When  outward  conditions  are  such  that  the 
majority  for  the  moment  is  forced  to  give  up  its  in- 
difference and  is  willing  to  give  silent  support  to  the 
minority,  a  revolution  usually  succeeds.  So  it  was 
in  this  revolution;  so  it  was  in  England  during 
Cromwell's  time,  in  America  during  the  years  1775- 
83,  in  France  during  the  days  of  the  great  Revolu- 
tion. 

The  people  of  the  Netherlands  were  driven  into 
open  revolt  through  a  combination  of  circumstances, 
some  of  a  religious  and  some  of  a  political  nature. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  force  upon  them  a  pohtical 
system  which  was  tolerated  in  Spain,  but  which  no 
more  fitted  their  Dutch  nature  than  the  Manchu 
system  would  have  fitted  America.  The  nature  of 
the  people  was  of  an  old  Germanic,  individualistic 
sort,  and  instinctively  rejected  all  attempts  at  try- 
ing to  press  it  into  the  coUectivistic  system  of  an 
absolute  monarchy. 

The  old  nobiUty  of  the  land,  discontented  with 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  13 

the  political  innovations  which  deprived  them  of 
some  of  their  ancient  rights  and  of  their  former 
privileges,  were  the  first  leaders  of  this  vague  move- 
ment against  the  religious  and  civic  reforms  being 
introduced  by  the  Spanish  king.  Soon,  however, 
the  nobility  saw  that  its  chief  support  in  acting 
against  the  sovereign  came  from  the  side  of  the 
middle  classes  —  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities. 
We  cannot  expect  any  class  of  people  to  commit 
suicide  for  the  benefit  of  others.  The  nobility  had 
nothing  to  expect  from  the  middle  classes.  It  had 
everything  to  expect  from  the  king.  Therefore  the 
nobles  soon  came  to  an  understanding  with  their 
legitimate  sovereign  and  returned  to  their  old  alle- 
giance. The  cities  were  left  to  their  own  fate. 

In  the  north,  with  the  exception  of  Amsterdam, 
they  were  now  all  devoted  to  the  new  religion,  to  the 
doctrines  of  Martin  Luther  or  to  those  of  Calvin. 
After  many  years  of  rebellion,  the  cities  were  wilhng 
to  compromise  upon  political  matters,  to  recognize 
their  ruler's  right  to  institute  such  political  innova- 
tions as  he  thought  necessary.  But,  one  and  all  of 
them,  they  positively  refused  to  promise  to  give  up 
their  new  religious  convictions.  Some  of  the  cities 
of  the  south  which  had  suffered  terribly  at  the 
hands  of  the  extreme  Calvinistic  demagogues  were 
willing  to  make  a  compromise.  They  returned  oflS- 
cially  to  their  old  faith,  were  pardoned,  and  in  the 
future  were  treated  with  circumspection.  But  the 
cities  in  the  seven  provinces  of  the  northern  part 


14    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

could  not  do  this.  They  stuck  to  their  demands  for 
free  worship.  When  these  were  flatly  refused,  they 
were  forced  to  continue  the  struggle.  Either  they 
must  go  forward,  whatever  the  consequences,  or 
they  must  perish. 

Of  all  the  great  leaders  who  played  a  part  during 
these  first  two  decades  of  the  struggle  for  religious 
independence,  only  one  of  great  prominence  had 
remained  faithful  to  the  cause  of  these  seven  pro- 
vinces. This  was  a  German  prince  of  eminent  rank, 
once  a  very  rich  man,  but  now  a  pauper.  His  name 
was  WilUam.  His  rank  that  of  a  Count  of  Nassau 
Dillenburg.  He  is  better  known  by  his  higher  title 
of  a  Prince  of  Orange.  Posterity,  without  any 
foundation  for  the  by-name,  has  called  him  Will- 
iam the  Silent.  Officially  he  was  the  representative 
of  the  King  of  Spain  in  the  provinces  of  Holland, 
Zeeland,  and  Utrecht,  —  the  Stadholder. 

In  character  he  was  everything  which  Philip  was 
not.  His  eminent  abilities  as  a  statesman  and  an 
organizer,  together  with  his  tact  and  his  patience 
in  adversity,  made  him  the  man  around  whom 
the  whole  revolution  developed.  He  was  not,  like 
Cromwell  or  Washington,  a  great  military  leader. 
As  a  general  his  abilities  were  indeed  very  mediocre. 
Neither  was  he  at  any  time  the  recognized  official 
head  of  the  combined  opposition.  With  many  of  the 
provinces  which  continued  the  hopeless  struggle,  he 
was  not  even  officially  connected.  He  was  merely 
the  executive  head  of  three  provinces,  and  the  work 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  15 

which  he  did  he  accompUshed  through  the  sheer 
strength  of  his  personahty.  He  was  the  man  who, 
quite  naturally  and  without  great  effort  on  his 
part,  gradually  became  the  personification  of  those 
ideas  which  caused  the  common  opposition  to  the 
Spanish  king.  Nobody  recognized  this  better  than 
did  King  Phihp  himself  when,  in  1579,  he  offered 
an  enormous  sum  in  money  and  several  additional 
rewards  in  honor  to  whosoever  would  murder 
William. 

The  difficulties  of  William's  life  during  the  years 
from  1575  to  1584  were  enormous.  Broken  in 
health,  covered  with  debts,  and  suffering  under  the 
loss  of  his  oldest  son,  who  was  kept  a  prisoner  in 
Spain,  he  actually  did  not  have  enough  to  provide 
for  the  wants  of  his  large  family.  He  passed  his  days 
in  trying  to  keep  the  different  rebelUous  provinces 
from  flying  at  one  another's  throats ;  for  all  the 
time  during  which  they  were  fighting  the  common 
enemy  they  never  forgot  their  petty  jealousies  of 
each  other,  and  small  misunderstandings  occurred 
continually. 

Fortunately  for  their  final  cause,  their  condition 
gradually  became  so  precarious  that  in  1579  they 
were  obliged  to  forget  all  their  different  rivalries  for 
the  time  being  and  were  forced  into  a  defensive  alli- 
ance. This  alliance,  concluded  in  January  of  1579, 
has  since  become  known  as  the  Union  of  Utrecht; 
and  it  has  laid  the  foundation  for  the  development 
of  the  Republic  of  the  Seven  United  Netherlands, 


16    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

and  later  for  the  Kingdom  of  Holland.  From  that 
moment  on  the  seven  rebellious  provinces,  while 
retaining  their  complete  provincial  autonomy,  for 
the  purpose  of  all  foreign  matters,  became  as  one 
province.^ 

After  this  step  had  been  taken,  it  was  compara- 
tively an  easy  matter  to  reach  the  logical  conclusion 
of  this  initial  action,  and  in  the  year  1581  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  seven  provinces  solemnly  abjured 
their  common  sovereign,  King  Philip,  as  he  had 
broken  his  part  of  the  contract  existing  between 
ruler  and  subject,  and  had  actually  persecuted  his 
subjects,  where  he  ought  to  have  taken  care  of  them 
with  fatherly  love  and  foresight.^ 

It  was  this  principle  of  a  contract  between  king 
and  people  which  was  followed  up  a  century  later 
by  the  English  when  they  cut  off  their  sovereign's 
head,  and  which  served,  still  another  hundred  years 
afterward,  as  an  example  to  France  and  to  Amer- 
ica, when  the  enraged  inhabitants  of  these  two 
countries,  in  France  decapitated  Louis  XVI,  and 
in  America  rebelled  successfully  against  King 
George  III. 

Having  in  this  way  disposed  of  one  sovereign,  the 
new  republic  was  now  obliged  to  find  another;  for 
nobody  as  yet  thought  of  establishing  an  abso- 
lutely independent  democratic  state,  such  as  in  our 
own  day  is  established  once  in  a  while  in  Portugal, 
Panama,  or  China.  Holland  and  Zeeland  wanted  to 
revive  the  old  feudal  dignity  of  count,  and  wanted  to 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  17 

make  William  a  sort  of  constitutional  count  of  their 
provinces.'*  The  step  would  not  have  been  a  dif- 
ficult one.  The  executive  powers  of  the  former 
feudal  lords  of  Holland  had  continued  in  the  Bur- 
gundian  princes  and  were  assumed  by  the  Spanish 
kings,  who  exercised  them  through  their  repre- 
sentative, the  Stadholder.  But  the  other  provinces 
were  afraid  of  Holland's  large  money-bags  and  the 
influence  which  they  gave  this  province  in  the 
Union.  They  foresaw  that  Holland's  ruler  would 
also  become  the  ruler  of  the  Union.  This  their 
particularism  would  not  allow,  and  in  order  to  pre- 
vent it  they  tried  all  sorts  of  experiments  with  for- 
eign potentates. 

King  Philip  made  the  whole  question  more  com- 
plicated by  his  standing  reward  of  forty  thousand 
guilders  for  William's  murder.  On  the  10th  of  July, 
1584,  this  reward  was  at  last  won.  William  was 
murdered  in  Delft  in  his  own  home,  and  the  chances 
of  the  House  of  Orange  becoming  the  constitutional 
head  of  the  republic  came  to  naught.  For  Will- 
iam's oldest  son,  Maurice,  who  succeeded  him  as  the 
commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  Republic, 
lacked  all  of  his  father's  superior  qualities  as  a 
statesman.  It  was  impossible  that  this  rough-and- 
ready  cavalry  leader  should  assume  a  position 
which  required  an  amount  of  tact,  patience,  and 
circumspection  almost  beyond  human  endurance. 

Maurice  was,  therefore,  kept  at  the  front,  clear- 
ing the  Republic's  territory  of  the  Spaniards,  while 


18    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  experiments  with  foreign  princes  were  con- 
tinued. These  experiments,  however,  failed,  and 
failed  completely.  Gradually  and  much  against 
their  own  desires,  the  seven  different  provinces  were 
forced  to  recognize  the  fact  that  none  of  their 
neighbors  was  willing  to  become  their  ruler  on  the 
terms  which  they  were  willing  to  offer.  The  only 
alternative  was  that  they  take  the  management  of 
their  own  affairs  into  their  own  hands. 

The  Union  of  Utrecht,  as  the  only  tie  which 
bound  the  different  provinces  together,  now  be- 
came a  sort  of  common  constitution,  something  for 
which  it  had  never  been  intended  and  for  which  it 
was  not  in  the  least  adapted.  The  estates  of  the 
seven  provinces,  as  the  principal  surviving  form  of 
the  old  order  of  things,  were  obliged  to  assume  the 
direct  sovereignty  of  their  states  and  to  take  the 
actual  government  into  their  own  hands.  In  our 
days  the  sovereignty  would  have  gone  to  the 
people,  but  in  the  sixteenth  century  the  people  as 
such  had  not  yet  been  invented.  They  were  a  vast 
and  intangible  mass.  The  estates  were  their  only 
tangible  representatives.  As  such  they  assumed  the 
command  of  the  provinces  and  of  the  Union. 

These  estates  had  been  in  existence  for  almost  two 
centuries.^  Originally  they  had  been  a  sort  of  ad- 
visory board  which  was  consulted  by  the  feudal 
lord  whenever  he  needed  funds.  At  first  they  had 
only  consisted  of  representatives  from  among  the 
clergy  and  the  nobility.    Gradually,  with  the  in- 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  19 

crease  of  their  economic  importance,  the  cities 
had  been  asked  to  send  delegates.  The  influence  of 
the  civic  members  had  quickly  increased  during  the 
fifteenth  century.  During  the  Reformation  the 
clergy  had  of  course  disappeared,  and  their  share  in 
the  estates  had  been  taken  over  by  the  cities.  This 
meant  that  the  nobility  lost  most  of  its  power,  for 
it  was  now  opposed  by  two  thirds  of  the  total  mem- 
bership of  the  different  estates.  In  many  other 
countries,  especially  in  Germany,  the  share  of  the 
clergy  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  nobility,  and  meant 
a  corresponding  loss  to  the  cause  of  the  citizens. 

After  the  seven  provinces  had  abjured  their  king, 
the  estates  remained  on  the  whole  very  much  what 
they  had  been  before.  They  still  were  chiefly  a  con- 
sulting body,  composed  of  a  certain  number  of  re- 
presentatives from  different  cities  appointed  di- 
rectly by  the  town  council  and  not  in  any  way 
by  the  people.  In  no  two  provinces  were  the  es- 
tates formed  in  the  same  way.  The  whole  system 
was  so  complicated,  and  so  typical  of  the  Republic 
and  its  strong  particularism,  that  we  shall  do  well  to 
describe  it  in  short  terms. 

In  Holland  there  were  in  all  nineteen  votes  in  the 
provincial  estates.  Eighteen  of  those  votes  belonged 
to  the  eighteen  principal  cities.  One  belonged  to 
the  seven  members  of  the  old  nobility,  who  were 
obliged  to  vote  collectively.  The  cities,  therefore, 
had  everything  their  own  way.  Each  one  could 
send  as  many  delegates  as  it  liked,  but  each  city 


20    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

had  but  one  vote.  As  for  the  small  towns  and  the 
country  districts,  they  were  not  represented  at  all. 
The  nobiHty  was  vaguely  expected  to  look  after 
their  needs. 

In  Zeeland  there  were  seven  members  of  the 
provincial  estates  and  there  were  seven  votes.  Six 
of  those  belonged  to  the  six  largest  cities,  one  to 
the  nobility.  But  there  was  no  nobility.  Either  the 
noble  houses  had  died  out  or  they  had  remained 
faithful  to  the  Spanish  rule  and  had  been  dis- 
franchised. The  one  vote  of  the  old  local  nobility 
now  belonged  to  the  Princes  of  Orange,  who  had 
bought  the  Marquisate  of  Vlissingen  and  Veere. 

In  Utrecht  things  were  very  complicated.  This 
was  owing  to  the  fact  that  Utrecht  had  formerly 
been  a  bishopric,  in  which  of  course  the  clergy  had 
played  an  unusually  large  part.  The  clergy  as  such 
had  disappeared,  but  as  it  was  found  to  be  impos- 
sible to  get  out  of  the  intricacies  which  were  left  by 
their  departure  from  their  ancient  possessions  in 
cloisters  and  farms  covering  a  large  part  of  the 
province,  the  vote  of  the  late  clergy  was  continued. 
It  now  belonged  to  a  number  of  delegates  specially 
appointed  by  the  nobility  and  the  smaller  cities. 
The  nobility  also  possessed  one  vote.  The  four 
large  cities  had  one  vote  together.  Here  we  find, 
therefore,  that  the  cities  played  a  much  less  impor- 
tant role  than  they  did  in  Holland  and  Zeeland. 

The  same  was  true  in  Gelderland,  where  the  sys- 
tem was  even  more  complicated.  This  province,  a 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  21 

former  duchy,  was  divided  into  three  so-called 
"quarters."  Each  of  these  quarters  had  small 
estates  of  its  own,  in  each  of  which  there  were  two 
votes,  belonging  to  the  combined  cities  and  to  the 
combined  nobility.  Furthermore,  in  most  of  the 
cities  there  was  a  body  of  thirty  or  forty  specially 
selected  men  who  might  be  consulted  by  these 
estates  upon  special  occasions.  Three  times  a  year 
the  three  quarters  met  jointly.  However,  they 
never  deliberated  in  common.  The  subjects  for  dis- 
cussion were  brought  up  in  the  meeting  of  the  whole, 
but  were  debated  separately,  to  be  voted  upon 
again  in  a  joint  meeting  in  which  each  quarter  had 
one  vote. 

Overysel  had  somewhat  the  same  complicated 
form  of  government. 

Friesland  was  even  worse,  having  four  different 
quarters.  One  of  these  quarters  consisted  of  the 
eleven  large  cities.  The  other  three  were  again 
subdivided  into  eleven,  ten,  and  nine  sub-quarters. 
A  joint  meeting  of  the  estates  brought  together 
more  than  eighty  delegates  who,  however,  had  only 
four  votes  at  their  disposal,  one  for  each  quarter. 
In  case  of  a  tie,  the  Stadholder  of  the  province  was 
asked  to  decide. 

Groningen  was  divided  into  two  parts,  each  with 
a  vote;  one  for  the  city  of  Groningen  and  one  for 
the  surrounding  country,  which  again  was  divided 
into  three  quarters,  each  with^its  own  direct  sub- 
estates. 


22    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Except  in  the  Province  of  Holland  where  the 
estates  met  practically  the  whole  year  round  and 
where  they  gradually  developed  into  a  sort  of  par- 
liament, the  estates  of  the  other  provinces  were  a 
most  clumsy  and  unmanageable  political  instru- 
ment. For  while  the  combined  cities  or  the  com- 
bined nobility,  except  in  Zeeland,  had  but  one  vote 
at  their  disposal,  they  could  send  as  many  delegates 
as  they  could  afford  to  send,  who  before  a  vote  was 
taken  were  to  meet  together  and  then  decide  upon 
their  vote.  But  it  will  be  easily  understood  that,  for 
example,  in  Utrecht,  where  the  town  of  Utrecht 
used  to  send  twenty  delegates  and  the  other  three 
cities  two  each,  said  town  of  Utrecht  had  everything 
its  own  way.  In  Overysel  things  were  established 
in  such  a  way  that  a  majority  of  votes  could  be 
brought  about  if  three  cities  voted  with  one  noble 
or  forty-seven  nobles  with  one  city.  In  Friesland 
practically  everybody  who  was  a  farmer  of  some 
independence  had  a  direct  influence  upon  the  gov- 
ernment and  had  a  right  to  be  heard  in  the  meetings 
of  the  sub-quarters.  In  Groningen  the  whole  town 
council  of  the  town  of  Groningen  were  ex-offido 
members  of  the  delegation  to  the  estates.  In  Zee- 
land  some  small  cities  which  gradually  developed 
into  "rotten  boroughs"  had  more  individual  power 
than  Amsterdam,  with  one  eighth  of  the  total 
population  of  the  Republic,  had  in  the  Estates  of 
Holland. 

To  be  short,  there  was  no  general  system  of  any 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  23 

sort.  Each  province  stuck  as  closely  as  possible 
to  its  ancient  clumsy  political  arrangement  and 
strongly  opposed  any  attempts  at  uniformity.  Of 
course,  the  system  was  bad,  but  it  had  the  power 
that  comes  with  centuries  of  existence.  It  had  de- 
veloped very  slowly  and  it  now  worked  through 
sheer  force  of  habit,  just  as  the  absurd  system  of 
measures  and  weights  works  in  Anglo-Saxon  coun- 
tries because  everybody  has  become  accustomed 
to  it.  The  chief  disadvantage  of  the  system  lay  in 
the  fact  that  it  made  the  estates  merely  a  meeting- 
place  of  the  representatives  of  several  independent 
cities  who  were  not  expected  to  pull  together;  who 
never  for  a  moment  forgot  their  own  petty  inter- 
ests, and  whose  great  joy  at  all  times  was  to  block 
the  plans  of  their  neighbors  and  rivals. 

Unfortunately  the  government  of  the  Union  as  a 
whole  was  not  a  whit  better.  The  highest  body  of 
the  central  government  was  the  Estates  General. 
This  body,  which  met  permanently,  had  been  in- 
tended to  be  both  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  the  Senate  in  one,  with  the  addition  of  a  few  of 
the  powers  of  the  Executive. 

Each  of  the  provinces  had  but  one  vote,  although 
here,  too,  each  could  send  as  many  delegates  as  it 
wished,  and  could  appoint  them  after  its  own  fash- 
ion. These  delegates  met  like  so  many  Ambassa- 
dors Extraordinary  and  Ministers  Plenipotentiary 
from  a  number  of  independent  sovereign  powers, 
who  deigned  to  come  together  to  discuss  some 


24    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

matter  of  common  importance,  but  who  intended 
strictly  to  maintain  their  own  country's  full  and 
absolute  autonomy.  The  Estates  General  were 
expected  to  discuss  matters  of  war  and  peace,  of 
treaties,  of  army  and  navy,  of  religion,  and  of  taxa- 
tion. They  were  also  to  indicate  what  foreign  policy 
the  Union  should  follow. 

Sometimes,  indeed,  when  all  these  ambassadors 
happened  to  agree  about  some  matter  of  common 
interest,  the  Estates  General  might  be  said  to  re- 
semble a  modern  parliament.  But  only  upon  such 
rare  occasions.  Usually  there  was  a  difference  of 
opinion  upon  all  questions,  and  unless  there  was  a 
strong  man  in  the  Republic  who  could  force  his  will 
upon  the  whole  community,  the  majority  never  felt 
itself  bound  to  obey  the  decisions  of  the  majority. 
For  the  high  contracting  parties  of  the  Union  of 
Utrecht,  even  in  that  moment  of  extreme  danger, 
had  been  careful  to  avoid  the  institution  of  a  cen- 
tral power  which  could  have  turned  their  old  and 
beloved  anarchy  into  a  centraHzed  government. 
The  spirit  of  the  Middle  Ages  had  been  too  strong 
upon  them.  Everything  was  left  to  the  good  will 
of  the  different  provinces,  and  of  this  article  they 
had  very  little. 

But  there  was  still  a  third  power  in  the  Republic 
which,  with  an  ill-defined  right  and  prerogative, 
was  apt  to  make  things  more  complicated.  This 
third  power  was  the  Stadholder.^  Originally  the 
representative  of  the  sovereign,  the  Stadholder, 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  25 

had  been  the  executive  of  each  province.  But  when 
the  sovereign  was  abjured,  it  was  impossible  for  the 
provincial  estates  to  make  themselves  the  execu- 
tive of  the  whole  province.  They]  were  too  un- 
wieldy a  body  to  do  the  executive  work  for  which 
they  never  had  been  trained.  The  office  of  the  Stad- 
holder  was  therefore  continued  in  all  of  the  pro- 
vinces. But  what  were  its  direct  powers.''  It  is  very 
difficult  to  say,  because,  as  time  went  on  and  the 
estates  grew  in  independence,  they  continually 
tried  to  encroach  upon  the  old  rights  of  the  Stad- 
holder,  while  the  Stadholder  in  turn  tried  to  en- 
croach upon  the  rights  of  the  estates. 

Nominally  the  Stadholder,  after  the  sovereign 
had  been  abjured,  was  the  paid  executive  and  the 
hired  servant  of  the  estates.  But  in  many  ways 
his  power  was  much  more  direct  and  far-reaching 
than  that  of  his  nominal  masters.  When  the  Stad- 
holder happened  to  be  a  strong  man,  he  was  apt  to 
eclipse  his  masters  entirely.  He  soon  became  a  very 
undesirable  institution  in  the  eyes  of  the  estates, 
and  whenever  they  could  do  so  the  provinces  tried 
to  manage  their  affairs  without  'appointing  a  stad- 
holder; in  which  case  they  drew  upon  themselves 
the  executive  powers.  In  this  way  we  often  find 
part  of  the  provinces  with  a  stadholder  and  part  of 
them  without  one,  or  a  number  of  provinces  sharing 
one  stadholder. 

Add  to  this  fact  that  each  province  except  Zee- 
land  had  a  separate  synod  to  look  after  the  affairs 


26    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC     " 

of  the  Church;  had  a  number  of  deputy  estates  to 
look  after  such  affairs  as  demanded  immediate  at- 
tention; had  separate  high  courts  of  justice;^  that 
there  were  five  different  and  separate  admiralties, 
each  working  independently  of  the  others,  and  that 
each  province  looked  after  its  own  finances  in  its 
own  special  way ;  and  we  ask  ourselves  how  it  was 
possible  that  this  heterogeneous  form  of  government 
could  subsist  as  long  as  it  actually  did,  and  could 
even  make  itself  one  of  the  leading  powers  of  Eu- 
rope. The  answer  to  our  question,  however,  is  sim- 
ple. In  reality  the  whole  thing  straightened  itself 
out  as  such  things  usually  do.  Legally  there  was 
no  one  central  head  to  guide  the  Republic,  no  one 
great  power  which  could  force  its  will  upon  the 
others.  But  without  strong  guidance  no  nation  can 
exist:  therefore  what  could  not  be  done  legally,  was 
done  illegally  and  with  great  success. 

In  the  last  instance  it  came  down  to  a  very  vulgar 
matter  of  dollars  and  cents.  Holland  paid  fifty- 
eight  per  cent  of  the  common  funds,  and  Holland 
ran  the  Republic.  Should  any  of  the  other  pro- 
vinces refuse  to  obey  its  dictates,  then  Holland,  by 
refusing  to  pay  its  share  of  the  common  expenses, 
could  threaten  a  bankruptcy.  In  turn,  the  man  or 
the  party  managing  to  become  supreme  in  Holland 
was  also  supreme  in  the  whole  of  the  Republic.  It 
may  be  well  to  keep  this  fact  in  mind  during  the 
discussion  which  we  shall  bring  up  in  later  chapters 
of  this  book. 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  27 

The  greatest  individual  oflSce  in  the  RepubUc 
was,  after  all,  that  of  the  executive,  of  the  Stad- 
holder.  But  during  the  years  of  warfare  against 
Spain,  when  the  Stadholder  was  usually  away  from 
the  seat  of  government  and  out  in  the  field  protect^ 
ing  the  Republic's  territory  from  invasion  and  clear- 
ing it  of  the  Spaniards,  another  official,  a  provincial 
one,  managed  to  acquire  for  his  office  vast  and  im- 
portant powers.  That  this  could  happen  was  in  the 
first  place  owing  to  the  brilliancy  of  the  men  who 
were  appointed  to  this  office  during  the  first  half- 
century  of  the  Republic's  existence.  This  office  was 
that  of  Raadpensionaris  of  Holland.* 

Again  it  is  difficult  to  say  what  a  raadpensionaris 
was.  He  held  so  many  offices  which  we  now  divide 
among  a  number  of  men  that  we  cannot  translate 
his  powers  into  direct  modern  equivalents.  He  at- 
tended the  meetings  of  both  the  Estates  of  Holland 
and  the  Estates  General.  In  the  Estates  of  Hol- 
land he  was  not  only  the  chairman,  but  also  brought 
out  the  vote  of  the  nobility.  During  the  first  years 
of  independence,  when  Holland  on  its  own  initiative 
had  organized  a  diplomatic  service,  the  Raadpen- 
sionaris became  the  man  who  directed  this  service. 
Later  on  he  continued  this  work,  and  became  prac- 
tically the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  of  the  entire 
Republic.  The  Raadpensionaris  was  the  man  who 
was  in  actual  daily  contact  with  all  the  most  im- 
portant bodies  of  the  government,  and  of  course  he 
was  the  man  who  knew  best  what  was  going  on 


28    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

everywhere.  Perhaps  we  shall  come  nearest  to  the 
truth  if  we  call  him  President  of  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, Prime  Minister,  and  Foreign  Minis- 
ter in  one.  This  great  j>ower  enabled  a  strong  man 
to  become  the  practical  ruler  of  the  Union. 

But  in  the  course  of  time  this  oflSce  became  still 
another  thing.  The  Raadpensionaris  of  Holland  be- 
came the  leader  of  the  separatist  party,  for  such  we 
can  call  one  of  the  two  large  parties  in  the  Republic. 
There  were  no  parties  in  our  sense  of  the  word,  with 
conventions  and  caucuses  and  bosses  and  all  the 
rest  of  it.  But  there  were  two  general  modes  of 
thought  prevalent,  and  the  Raadpensionaris  be- 
came the  unofficial  leader  of  those  who  wanted  a 
strong  decentralized  form  of  government,  while  the 
Stadholder  became  the  leader  of  those  who  saw 
their  only  salvation  in  a  strong  central  government, 
in  which  the  Stadholder  should  be  a  constitutional 
monarch. 

I  have  mentioned  the  fact  that  the  majority  of 
the  people  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  government 
either  one  way  or  the  other.  Then,  who  were  those 
men  who  made  up  the  different  estates  and  the 
whole  large  body  of  town  councils,  deputy  estates, 
admiralty  colleges,  etc.,  etc.  ?  Without  exception 
they  were  members  of  certain  influential  families. 
The  rule  of  patrician  families  was  nothing  new  or 
original  to  the  Republic.  It  dated  back  to  the  Mid- 
dle Ages,  when  it  was  imperative  that  a  few  strong 
families  should  have  the  government  in  their  hands. 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  29 

Wherever  this  had  not  been  the  case,  as  it  was  not 
in  the  large  cities  of  Belgium,  continual  chaos  had 
been  the  result.  During  the  war  with  Spain,  a  few 
families  had  been  tories  and  had  been  obUged  to 
leave  the  country  after  the  defeat  of  their  cause. 
Their  place  was  taken  by  others  of  conspicuous 
zeal  for  the  new  cause.  But  the  system  remained 
the  same. 

In  each  city  there  were  a  number  of  families,  pro- 
minent through  fortune  and  relationship,  which, 
without  belonging  to  the  old  nobility,  were  regarded 
as  predestined  to  perpetuate  the  town  government. 
From  among  these  the  Stadholder,  as  chief  execu- 
tive, appointed  the  burgomasters,  the  town  councils, 
and  the  sheriffs.  From  among  themselves  they  ap- 
pointed the  members  to  the  provincial  and  general 
estates.  From  among  themselves  they  appointed 
the  directors  of  the  admiralty  colleges  and  the  di- 
rectors in  every  large  financial  undertaking.  They 
formed  a  close  corporation,  perpetuating  itself,  the 
members  marrying  only  among  themselves  and  rig- 
orously keeping  out  any  and  all  outsiders.  After 
generations  of  probation,  a  new  family  might  be 
adopted,  but  even  then  only  with  very  great  dif- 
ficulty. As  a  class  they  were  called  the  Regents.^ 

As  all-powerful  rulers  of  their  respective  big  or 
small  cities,  they  ran  these  cities,  provinces,  and  the 
Republic  very  much  as  if  they  were  their  own  priv- 
ate concerns.  They  were  most  terribly  jealous  of 
one  another's  powers,  and  each  small  corporation 


30    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

wanted  to  be  consulted  quite  as  much  as  its  larger 
neighbors.  Wherefore  it  happened  that  a  matter 
which  was  brought  up  for  discussion  in  the  Estates 
General  was  referred  back  to  the  provincial  estates, 
who  referred  it  back  to  the  town  councils  of  the  dif- 
ferent cities,  who  thereupon  gave  their  opinion  and 
sent  their  opinion  back  to  the  provincial  estates, 
who  thereupon  forwarded  this  opinion  to  the  Es- 
tates General,  who  thereupon  might  try  to  come  to 
some  general  conclusions.  This  method  meant  that 
all  affairs  had  first  to  be  discussed  by  some  two 
thousand  different  persons,  representing  some  fifty 
different  cities,  and  that  these  matters  for  discus- 
sion were  usually  half  a  year  under  way  before  they 
returned  to  the  place  whence  they  had  started.  It 
also  meant  that  nothing  could  possibly  be  kept  a 
secret,  and  that  the  only  successful  rulers  of  the  Re- 
public were  those  who,  against  all  laws  and  usages, 
established  a  secret^  body  of  half  a  dozen  persons, 
who,  quite  illegally  and  over  the  heads  of  all  the 
other  officials,  acted  on  such  important  affairs  as 
must  remain  secret  for  the  time  being. 

This  sort  of  government,  however,  strengthen- 
ing itself  as  time  went  on,  and  becoming  more  and 
more  rigid  in  all  its  forms,  was  never  popular  with 
the  masses.  The  people  did  not  so  much  mind  be- 
ing under  the  direct  rule  of  a  stadholder  who  was 
also  a  prince  of  royal  blood.  His  title  was  as  good  as 
any  in  Europe.  He  kept  a  real  court  and  a  real  life- 
guard. He  was  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  arm- 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  31 

ies  of  the  Union,  and  if  he  were  a  famous  general, 
too,  as  Maurice  and  his  brother  happened  to  be,  his 
court  became  the  centre  to  which  young  noblemen 
from  all  over  the  world  flocked  to  learn  their  trade. 
He  wore  a  beautiful  uniform,  and  pranced  around 
on  a  horse,  surrounded  by  his  suite.  His  wife  was  a 
daughter  of  a  royal  house.  That  was  something 
tangible.  He  was  the  real  prince  of  the  people's 
imagination. 

But  what  sort  of  respect  could  the  men  in  the 
street  have  for  the  members  of  the  estates?  A  lot  of 
black-coated,  white-jaboted  citizens  whose  grand- 
fathers had  been  green-grocers  or  brewers!  Their 
wives  had  no  greater  claim  to  honor.  Money  and 
family  influence  and  general  circumstances  might 
have  helped  the  grandfather  out  of  his  class,  but  his 
neighbors  were  not  going  to  forget  his  origin. 

And  now,  behold,  since  these  folk  had  come  to 
such  large  power  they  treated  the  masses  as  if  they 
did  not  exist.  The  mob,  the  common  man,  the 
lower  people,  were  the  terms  used  to  designate 
ninety-five  per  cent  of  the  population.  The  ninety- 
five  per  cent  did  not  like  it,  but  they  were  too  busy 
with  their  material  affairs  and  they  were  too  de- 
pendent in  an  economic  way  upon  the  rich  classes 
to  be  able  to  show  their  objections.  There  was 
nothing  which  resembled  our  highly  modern  "class 
warfare."  Until  fifty  years  or  so  ago,  most  people 
were  quite  willing  to  recognize  the  fact  that  there 
must  be  classes,  and  that  all  can  be  happy  without 


32    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

envying  one  another.  The  average  man  of  the  six- 
teenth century  was  quite  wiUing  to  leave  the  gov- 
ernment to  their  lordships  and  not  be  bothered  with 
it  himself.  But  when  he  had  to  choose  between  the 
two  candidates  for  the  government — between  the 
very  human  and  grand  seigneury  Stadholder,  with 
all  the  paraphernalia  of  royalty  around  him,  and 
his  technical  masters,  the  Estates,  with  all  their 
heavy  pomp  of  rich  merchants,  then  he  was  sure  to 
call "  hurray  "  for  the  Stadholder  and  to  dismiss  their 
High  and  Mightinesses  of  the  Estates  with  a  pro- 
found but  icy  bow.  Only  when  the  regents  pro- 
duced a  man  of  more  than  exceptional  ability,  a 
man  who  under  the  solid  black  coat  and  the  white 
ruffles  hid  the  heart  of  a  soldier  and  showed  himself 
a  true  leader,  could  they  actually  run  the  country. 
When  there  was  no  such  man,  the  people  turned 
instinctively  toward  the  Stadholder,  in  whom  they 
saw  the  embodiment  of  what  they  considered  a 
sovereign  ought  to  be. 

A  very  short  review  of  the  history  of  the  Republic 
will  show  what  we  mean. 

Maurice,  the  oldest  son  of  William,  succeeded  his 
father  when  the  latter  was  murdered;  and  for  a  pe- 
riod of  forty  years  he  was  practically  the  dictator  of 
the  Republic.  As  a  general  he  made  a  wonderful 
record.  He  was  the  victor  in  three  great  pitched 
battles  and  took  thirty-eight  walled  cities  and 
forty-five  fortifications,  thereby  driving  the  Span- 
iards defiantly  from  the  Republic's  territory.   As 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  33 

commander-in-chief  of  the  common  army  and  as 
Stadholder  of  six  of  the  seven  provinces,  he  was  by 
far  the  most  influential  and  the  most  powerful  man 
in  the  Republic. 

.  Hence  he  soon  got  into  trouble  with  the  Estates 
of  Holland,  who  feared  that  his  power  would  de- 
velop along  monarchical  lines.  The  leader  of  the 
opposition  was  the  old  Raadpensionaris  of  Holland, 
Johan  van  Oldenbarneveldt.  The  result  of  the  strug- 
gle which  ensued  is  well  known.  Maurice  remained 
victorious  and  Oldenbarneveldt,  after  having  been 
condemned  by  a  packed  tribunal,  was  put  to  death. 
In  1625,  Maurice  died.  His  brother  Frederic 
Henry  succeeded  him  as  commander-in-chief  and 
also  as  Stadholder  in  all  of  the  provinces  except 
Friesland.  Frederic  Henry  continued  the  war  with 
Spain  quite  as  successfully  as  his  brother  had  done. 
But  he,  also,  was  too  much  occupied  with  miHtary 
affairs  to  be  able  to  pay  much  attention  to  internal 
politics.  He  did  nothing  to  establish  his  assumed 
powers  upon  a  legal  basis.  He  ruled  the  Republic 
because  he  happened  to  be  the  strongest  man  in 
the  whole  commonwealth  and  because  there  was  no 
well-organized  opposition.  In  fact,  he  was  the  un- 
crowned king  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  but  in  theory 
he  was  still  only  the  *' hired  man"  of  the  Estates. 

In  1647,  Frederic  Henry  was  succeeded  by  his 
young  son  William  II.  William,  educated  like  a 
crown  prince  and  married  to  the  daughter  of 
James  II  of  England,  related  to  all  the  most  power- 


34    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

ful  reigning  houses  of  Europe,  got  into  immediate 
trouble  with  the  Estates  and  more  particularly  with 
the  rich  commercial  cities  headed  by  Amsterdam. 
He  might  (but  this  is  mere  speculation)  have  suc- 
ceeded in  what  his  father  and  uncle  had  failed  to 
do,  and  might  have  made  himself  hereditary  ruler 
of  the  Republic,  but  he  died  most  unexpectedly  and 
without  leaving  a  successor.  His  son  William  III 
was  born  eleven  days  after  his  death. 

The  Republic  was  without  a  stadholder.  The 
estates  of  the  provinces  immediately  used  this  most 
favorable  occasion  to  draw  unto  themselves  all  the 
power  formerly  invested  in  the  Stadholder.  They 
now  became  representative  and  executive  in  one. 
The  cities  rushed  to  as  complete  an  independence 
as  was  possible  from  provincial  supervision.  The 
right  of  appointment  to  the  town  council,  until  then 
invested  in  the  Stadholder,  was  taken  up  by  the 
town  council  itself,  which  thereby  became  an  auto- 
nomous and  self-continuing  body,  practically  inde- 
pendent of  the  provincial  estates  and  ruling  its 
city  as  if  it  were  an  independent  commonwealth. 

For  thirty  years  the  Estates,  the  Regent  fam- 
ilies, ruled  the  country  absolutely.  Jan  de  Witt  be- 
came their  leader.  He  now  became  the  Republic's 
dictator  as  much  as  the  Princes  of  Orange  had  been 
before  him.  He  also  continued  their  foreign  policy 
and  with  great  success.  A  statesman  of  exceptional 
ability,  a  politician  of  great  cunning,  he  gradually 
but  firmly  increased  the  power  of  the  Regents  until 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  35 

it  seemed  that  the  House  of  Orange  was  doomed 
to  be  excluded  from  power  and  influence  in  the 
Repubhc  forever.  When  it  appeared  that  the  weak 
posthumous  child  of  William  II  was  going  to  live 
after  all  and  had  a  very  sound  mind  in  a  very  un- 
sound body,  de  Witt  managed  to  have  several  laws 
passed  which  not  only  made  it  impossible  for  the 
Princes  of  Orange  to  occupy  the  position  of  Stad- 
holder,  but  which  altogether  and  for  all  time  abol- 
ished this  high  oflSce. 

During  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  it 
looked  as  if  the  Republic  was  going  to  follow  the 
example  of  Venice,  and  was  going  to  develop  into 
a  republic  governed  by  a  legally  instituted  aristo- 
cracy. Only  one  thing  prevented  the  Regents  from 
establishing  themselves  as  such:  there  was  no 
standing  army.  For  although  Article  8  of  the 
Union  of  Utrecht  declared  that  a  general  census 
should  be  taken  of  all  people  between  the  ages  of 
eighteen  and  sixty,  in  order  that  a  regular  militia 
might  be  established  from  among  them  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  whole  country,  no  such  militia  had  ever 
been  organized.  Except  in  one  single  province  the 
census  had  never  been  taken.  It  was  found  to  be 
infinitely  cheaper  and  more  expedient  to  hire  troops 
to  do  the  fighting  than  to  drill  a  busy  and  com- 
mercial population  for  a  work  for  which  they  had 
neither  aptitude  nor  liking.  The  army  of  foreign 
mercenary  troops,  commanded,  however,  by  Dutch 
officers,  many  of  whom  belonged  to  the  nobility  of 


36    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  country  provinces,  who  still  preferred  a  military 
career  to  business  life,  was  under  direct  command  of 
the  Stadholder.  He  it  was  who  appointed  the  oflS- 
cers,  and  who  as  an  active  officer  came  into  daily 
contact  with  the  men.  Naturally  he  was  more  popu- 
lar than  the  members  of  the  Estates,  who  paid  for 
the  expenses  of  the  army,  but  who  did  so  grudgingly, 
and  who  were  forever  trying  to  reduce  the  cost  of 
maintenance  as  well  as  the  size  of  the  army.  When 
there  were  no  stadholders  the  Estates  General  be- 
came the  direct  commanders  of  the  army.  But 
then  the  relation  between  the  two  became  even 
worse,  for  no  military  man  ever  likes  to  be  con- 
trolled by  or  to  be  interfered  with  by  a  civilian. 
Therefore,  whatever  there  was  left  of  the  Republic's 
armies  was  openly  and  avowedly  on  the  side  of  the 
Princes  of  Orange  and  quite  as  openly  and  avowedly 
against  the  Regents.  The  army  was  spread  over  the 
many  small  towns  along  the  frontier,  and  there  it 
spent  its  days  in  cursing  its  luck  and  wishing  for 
better  times. 

Besides  the  regular  army  in  the  service  of  the 
Estates  General,  there  was  yet  another  armed  force 
in  the  Republic.  This  consisted  of  the  volunteer 
militia  of  the  different  towns.  It  was  something 
between  Boston's  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery 
and  a  regular  police  corps.  In  case  of  fire  and  riot,  it 
was  called  upon  to  maintain  order.  It  also  did  a 
nominal  guard  duty  on  the  city  walls.  Chiefly,  how- 
ever, this  militia  was  a  pleasant  social  organization, 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  37 

known  to  posterity  by  the  famous  pictures  which 
contemporary  painters  have  made  of  its  members 
attending  their  excellent  dinners  or  their  pleasant 
outings. 

The  oflScers  of  these  miUtia  companies  were  ap- 
pointed by  the  town  council,  and  therefore  apt  to 
belong  to  the  Regent  class.  The  rank  and  file,  how- 
ever, belonged  to  the  large  class  of  tradespeople  and 
small  shopkeepers.  They  wore  no  uniform.  When- 
ever the  fire-alarm  was  rung,  the  men  put  on  a 
colored  sash,  took  a  halberd  or  a  gun,  and  made  for 
the  site  of  danger  to  keep  their  fellow  citizens  from 
plundering  or  from  bothering  the  firemen.  Also  in 
case  of  riot  they  might  be  called  upon  to  reestablish 
order.  Except  in  the  year  1672,  when  the  Republic 
seemed  completely  lost,  the  civic  militia  was  never 
called  upon  to  do  any  actual  fighting,  and  on  that 
occasion  they  proved  themselves  as  useless  as  un- 
trained volunteers  always  are.  Being  economically 
dependent  upon  the  good  will  of  their  rich  neigh- 
bors, these  soldiers  could  not  very  well  show  their 
dislike  of  the  Regents  openly.  But  it  was  quite 
evident  that,  in  case  of  a  quarrel  between  Regents 
and  people,  the  citizen-soldiers  would  not  allow 
themselves  to  become  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
the  oligarchy. 

In  this  connection  we  are  led  to  think  of  Na- 
poleon's comparison  of  himself  and  the  Bourbons, 
when  he  stated  that  he,  as  a  usurper,  needed  con- 
stant new  victories  to  maintain  himself,  while  they. 


38    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  Bourbons,  as  the  legitimate  House  of  France, 
were  as  secure  upon  their  throne  in  defeat  as  they 
were  in  victory.  For,  taking  it  all  in  all,  the  govern- 
ment of  de  Witt  had  not  been  bad.  It  is  true  he  had 
neglected  the  army,  in  which  he  felt  little  interest. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  had  given  a  great  impetus  to 
the  building  of  a  strong  navy,  and  had  successfully 
maintained  the  glory  of  the  Republic's  fleets  against 
England  and  France  and  Sweden.  During  the 
twenty  years  of  his  reign  the  Repubhc  reached  a 
height  of  prosperity  and  a  prominence  in  art  and 
science  which  was  never  again  attained.  Through 
his  personal  example,  de  Witt  introduced  a  degree 
of  honesty  and  integrity  in  public  affairs  which  up 
to  that  time  had  been  sadly  lacking,  and  which 
after  his  death  was  as  sadly  lacking  as  before  his 
rule  began. 

It  was  this  very  prosperity  which  allowed  de  Witt 
to  do  what  he  actually  did.  Everybody  was  so  busy 
looking  after  his  own  personal  affairs  that  nobody 
had  time  to  bother  about  those  of  the  country.  A 
strong  fleet  protected  the  merchant  and  his  ships 
wherever  they  went.  New  industries  were  devel- 
oped and  were  encouraged  by  the  Government. 
There  was  work  for  everybody  and  nobody  needed 
to  be  either  idle  or  hungry.  In  short,  all  those  con- 
ditions of  material  prosperity  prevailed  which  in 
our  own  day  prevail  in  America,  and  which  so  fully 
occupy  the  minds  of  the  majority  of  American 
people  that  they  have  neither  time  nor  inclination 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  39 

to  bother  about  the  way  in  which  they  are  being 
governed. 

Therefore,  whatever  they  did  the  Regents  were 
forced  to  keep  within  certain  bounds.  Should  their 
methods  cause  great  and  general  discontent,  they 
knew  that  they  were  powerless  against  the  mass  of 
the  people.  And  here  it  was  that  in  the  year  1672 
they  made  their  mistake.  De  Witt,  whose  contempt 
for  the  masses  was  supreme,  went  just  a  little  too 
far.  The  hatred  which  he  caused  by  his  overbearing 
behavior  was  intense  and  was  not  in  the  least  con- 
fined to  the  mere  rabble. 

When  in  1672,  through  a  most  unfortunate  com- 
bination of  circumstances,  and  not  in  the  least 
through  the  perfidy  of  King  Charles  II  of  England, 
the  Republic  had  to  face  a  war  with  France,  Eng- 
land, and  several  German  princes,  the  whole  polit- 
ical fabric  of  de  Witt  fell  to  pieces.  A  sudden  thaw 
did  more  to  save  the  Republic  than  all  its  military 
forces  had  been  able  to  do.  A  panic  spread  through- 
out the  land.  Everywhere  the  people  clamored  for 
the  appointment  of  the  young  Prince  of  Orange  as 
stadholder.  Their  only  salvation,  so  they  claimed, 
lay  in  this  apf)ointment,  and  they  demanded  it 
peremptorily  and  quickly.  De  Witt  was  forced  to 
give  in.  William  was  appointed  commander-in- 
chief  and  was  made  stadholder,  not  only  of  Holland 
but  also  of  four  other  provinces.  Even  then  the  fury 
of  the  people  knew  no  bounds.  Only  after  de  Witt 
and  his  brother  had  been  dragged  from  prison  and 


40    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

lynched  by  a  mob,  which  acted  with  the  full  ap- 
proval and  the  assistance  of  the  better  classes,  did 
peace  and  quiet  return. 

William  III,  who  is  well  known  in  history  as 
King  of  England,  had  less  power  in  the  land  over 
which  he  ruled  as  a  monarch  than  over  the  country 
where  he  was  only  the  Stadholder.^"  As  a  matter  of 
fact  his  powers  in  the  Republic  were  practically 
unlimited.  If  there  ever  was  a  man  who  could  have 
changed  the  government  of  the  Republic,  it  was 
William  HI.  He  had  the  whole  of  the  nation  be- 
hind him.  Their  attitude  was:  "We  have  estab- 
hshed  you  where  you  can  be  of  permanent  benefit 
to  our  state.  Go  ahead  and  we  will  back  you  up  in 
anything  you  do."  But  the  truth  of  the  matter  is 
that  William  had  not  the  slightest  interest  in  such 
reforms.  History  repeated  itself.  There  was  a 
change  of  men  but  not  of  methods.  On  the  whole 
the  government  of  de  Witt  had  been  less  selfish 
than  the  government  of  William  proved  to  be. 
William  used  the  Republic  as  he  used  England,  and 
as  he  used  everybody  he  could  get  in  his  power,  for 
his  own  special  purpose  —  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
sisting the  aggressive  policy  of  France  and  of  pre- 
venting the  great  revival  of  the  Catholic  power. 

In  order  to  be  successful  in  this  self-imposed  task, 
William  was  willing  to  adopt  any  corrupt  system  of 
politics,  either  at  home  or  abroad.  Whenever  he  was 
unable  to  enforce  his  will  by  legal  methods,  he  un- 
scrupulously did  so  by  illegal  ones.   Without  any 


POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  41 

delicacy  and  with  great  brutality  he  forced  all  the 
different  elements  into  line  to  support  him  in  his 
international  policies.  That  he  made  the  Republic 
exert  herself  far  beyond  her  real  strength  was  a 
matter  of  no  concern  to  him.  The  Republic  might 
have  gone  into  bankruptcy,  for  all  he  cared.  The 
debts  of  the  provinces  were  increased  tremendously, 
the  admiralties  were  compelled  to  build  more  ships 
than  they  ever  could  hope  to  pay  for,  the  industries 
of  the  country  were  allowed  to  go  to  ruin.  It  mat- 
tered not  to  the  Stadholder  as  long  as  the  Union 
could  be  made  to  pay  in  one  way  or  the  other  for  his 
wars  against  France.  The  general  tone  of  politics 
became  worse  than  it  had  been  under  de  Witt. 
Power  and  influence  were  within  reach  of  those  only 
who  could  gain  the  ear  of  the  Stadholder  or  of  one  of 
his  camarilla.  When  William  died  in  1702,  his  task 
was  done.  France  had  been  held  within  bounds  and 
the  famous  balance  of  European  power  had  been 
reestablished. 

But  all  this  had  been  accomplished  at  the  expense 
of  the  Republic's  financial  supremacy.  William  III 
left  no  direct  successor.  The  popular  attempt  to 
improve  conditions  by  the  appointment  of  a  stad- 
holder with  unlimited  power  had  completely  failed. 
Without  a  murmur  the  people  returned  to  the  gov- 
ernment by  the  Regents. 


CHAPTER  II 

ECONOMIC   AND   SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT 

On  the  12th  of  April  of  the  year  of  our  Lord  1713, 
the  market-place  of  the  town  of  Utrecht  witnessed 
an  unusual  commotion.  Early  in  the  day  two  small 
cannon  had  been  posted  in  front  of  the  town  hall. 
At  exactly  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  they  were 
fired.  This  meant  that  the  delegates  of  France, 
Spain,  England,  Sweden,  and  the  Republic  had 
concluded  peace  —  a  peace  which  ended  the  War 
of  the  Spanish  Succession  and  which  at  the  same 
time  ended  the  political  role  of  the  great  Republic. 
After  having  been  one  of  the  leading  powers  of 
Europe  for  more  than  a  century,  the  Republic  vol- 
untarily retired  from  active  life  among  the  great 
nations.  Her  armies  were  disbanded.  Her  fleet 
was  allowed  to  rot  away  in  the  harbors.  Her  gen- 
erals and  admirals  were  pensioned  off  and  sent 
home  to  tend  their  vegetable  gardens.  Their  places 
were  taken  by  diplomats,  long-wigged  and  well 
provided  with  money.  This  money  was  to  serve  to 
buy  peace.  Peace  at  any  cost,  even  at  the  cost  of 
dishonor,  was  to  be  the  new  creed  of  the  Republic. 
It  is  true  the  old  prosperity  remained,  and  for 
many  decades  to  come  commerce  and  industry 
were  to  be  quite  profitable.  But  it  seems  that  the 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  43 

"men"  had  died  out.  During  a  whole  century  we 
look  in  vain  for  a  single  man  of  more  than  ordinary- 
ability. 

The  House  of  Orange,  after  having  produced  in  a 
straight  line  five  princes  of  great  prominence,  either 
as  generals  or  as  statesmen,  died  out  in  the  direct 
line.  Its  titles  and  its  dignities  were  inherited  by 
the  collateral  line  of  the  stadholders  of  Friesland. 
But  neither  of  the  princes  who  were  called  to  play 
a  role  during  the  eighteenth  century  rose  above 
the  most  mediocre  abilities.  Both  William  IV  and 
William  V  were  second-rate  men ;  men  of  good  inten- 
tions but  absolutely  lacking  in  physical  strength,  in 
courage  and  initiative. 

The  long  list  of  great  statesmen  seems  to  stop 
abruptly.  Their  former  places  are  now  taken  by 
politicians  —  some  clever  and  unscrupulous,  others 
merely  unscrupulous;  and  none  of  them  rising  above 
the  narrow  point  of  view  of  their  little  home  towns. 
The  Regents  are  again  the  rulers  of  the  country. 
But  they  are  no  longer  the  men  of  the  days  of  de 
Witt.  They  are  a  caricature  of  their  ancestors. 
They  are  no  longer  men  of  energy  working  for  some 
definite,  albeit  selfish,  ends.  They  are  fast  petrify- 
ing into  a  class  of  imitation  aristocrats,  and  they 
retire  from  active  business  and  allow  their  capital 
to  work  for  them. 

But  the  nation  as  a  whole,  the  men  and  women, 
who  a  century  before  had  gone  through  famine, 
siege,  and  pestilence  rather  than  submit  to  a  for- 


44    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

eign  will  and  a  foreign  church;  what  has  become  of 
them?  They,  too,  have  degenerated;  they  have 
settled  into  a  large  mass  of  well-to-do  and  self- 
contented  rentiers.  Their  energy  and  their  enter- 
prise are  gone.  Their  money  has  been  invested. 
Their  dividends  are  expected  to  keep  them  in  com- 
fort. The  seventeenth  century  was  the  century  of 
the  accumulation  of  wealth;  the  eighteenth  century 
was  the  century  of  the  enjoyment  thereof. 

Several  hundred  millions  of  guilders  were  still 
tied  up  in  trade  and  foreign  commerce.  ^^  But  in 
addition  there  was  an  enormous  surplus,  which  was 
used  for  investments.  The  Republic  during  the 
eighteenth  century  became  the  great  money- 
lender of  the  whole  world.  The  Exchange  of  Am- 
sterdam became  the  centre  of  the  international 
stock-market.  More  than  340,000,000  guilders 
were  invested  in  foreign  securities,  in  Europe,  in  the 
East  Indies,  in  America.  A  very  large  part  of  the 
English  national  debt  was  in  Dutch  hands.  More 
than  25,000,000  guilders  a  year  went  from  England 
to  the  Republic  in  the  form  of  dividends  alone. 
France  had  taken  25,000,000;  Spain,  Russia, 
Sweden,  and  some  smaller  German  countries  had 
taken  30,000,000  guilders.  The  general  banking 
business  and  exchange,  of  which  Amsterdam  had 
become  the  centre,  had  taken  about  50,000,000. 
More  than  140,000,000  were  tied  up  in  colonial 
enterprises  in  the  East  Indies  and  in  South  Amer- 
ica. Millions  were  invested  in  city  loans  and  loans  to 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  45 

provinces  and  counties.  It  was  estimated  that  the 
sum  of  50,000,000  guilders  represented  the  value 
of  the  gold  and  silver  and  precious  stones  in  the 
possession  of  the  Republic's  citizens.  This  large 
accumulation  of  wealth  in  such  a  short  time  could 
only  have  been  possible  in  an  age  when  the  capture 
of  a  single  Spanish  treasure  fleet  produced  net 
results  of  some  12,000,000  guilders. 

The  standard  of  interest  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury was  much  higher  than  that  of  our  own  time. 
Twelve  per  cent  was  no  exception.  It  will  be  under- 
stood what  a  steady  stream  of  dividends  flowed  into 
this  small  space  of  territory,  and  what  a  large  part 
of  its  population  was  allowed  a  life  of  "otium  cum 
dignitate,"  with  the  cutting  of  coupons  as  its  only 
serious  occupation,  and  allowed  to  spend  its  days 
in  the  contemplation  of  that  famous  ode  of  Hor- 
ace which  begins  "Beat us  ille  qui  procul  nego- 
tiis." 

Yet  there  was  another  side  to  this  delightful 
picture.  To  the  national  character  this  heavenly 
rest  meant  little  good.  As  the  Republic  had  loaned 
money  to  everybody,  it  meant  that  she  had  to  stay 
good  friends  with  everybody.  War  with  England 
or  war  with  France  would  have  meant  the  immedi- 
ate suspension  of  a  large  part  of  the  dividends  from 
these  countries,  and  would  therefore  have  been 
most  harmful  to  the  general  prosperity.  What  was 
worse,  it  meant  that,  no  matter  with  whom  the 
RepubUc  got  into  a  fight,  she  was  going  to  be  fought 


46    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

with  her  own  capital.  For  this  reason  war  with 
another  nation  had  to  be  avoided  at  all  cost. 

In  the  second  place,  all  this  money  invested 
abroad  meant  a  direct  loss  to  the  industries  at  home. 
The  cost  of  living  was  —  and  for  that  matter  still  is 
—  much  higher  in  the  prosperous  Netherlands  than 
in  the  surrounding  countries.  The  workman  here 
had  better  wages  than  elsewhere,  and  as  the  guilds 
were  less  strongly  developed  he  had  greater  Hberty 
to  look  after  his  own  private  interests.  Moreover, 
the  industries  were  obliged  to  compete  with  the 
merchant  marine.  The  merchant  marine  paid  good 
wages,  and  the  industries  had  to  pay  more  to  get  the 
men  at  all.  All  of  this  meant  an  increase  in  the  cost 
of  production,  which  in  turn  meant  a  smaller  stand- 
ard of  interest  on  the  invested  capital.  Unfortun- 
ately the  Hollander  of  the  eighteenth  century  was 
not  patriotic  enough  to  invest  at  home  with  a  pro- 
spect of  four  and  a  half  or  five  per  cent,  when  he 
could  get  six  or  seven  per  cent  abroad,  in  quite  as 
safe  undertakings.  This  meant  that  during  the 
course  of  the  century,  when  comj>etition  from  abroad 
began  to  be  serious  and  to  affect  the  Dutch  markets, 
the  Dutch  manufacturers  could  not  increase  their 
business  as  they  should  have  done  to  meet  this  new 
competition. 

But  greater  even  than  these  material  considera- 
tions was  the  moral  influence  which  this  new  mode 
of  things  had  upon  the  public  in  general.  Trade  and 
industry  were  beginning  to  be  looked  upon  as  not 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  47 

quite  "fashionable."  The  Regents  gradually  re- 
tired from  business  altogether,  and  lost  all  touch 
with  the  rest  of  the  people.  Very  many  of  the  peo- 
ple who  came  directly  after  the  Regents  in  social 
order  were  just  as  well-to-do,  although  they  did  not 
belong  to  the  governing  class.  These  speedily  imi- 
tated their  betters  and  also  left  business  alone. 
Their  sons  were  sent  to  the  universities  and  were 
made  to  study  jurisprudence  as  an  introduction  to 
some  polite  occupation.  The  rest  of  the  people  be- 
gan to  consider  this  mild  fashion  of  loafing  as  the 
beau  ideal  of  life.  This  wholesale  retirement  from 
business  meant  that  the  existing  capital  was  not 
being  increased.  Yet  with  the  continual  increase  in 
the  cost  of  living  and  the  gradual  introduction  of 
new  luxuries,  larger  incomes  were  more  needed 
than  ever  before  in  order  to  keep  up  with  the  times. 
There  remained  but  one  way  in  which  to  increase 
capital  except  by  straightforward  labor.  This  was 
by  speculation.  Now,  we  should  not  like  to  give 
the  impression  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  United 
Netherlands  had  ever  been  averse  to  speculating. 
When  Tacitus  visited  their  ancestors,  he  had  re- 
marked, as  one  of  their  chief  characteristics,  that 
they  were  willing  to  gamble  at  any  time  and  for  any 
thing  they  possessed,  up  to  their  wives  and  child- 
ren and  their  own  personal  freedom.  This  gamb- 
ling spirit  had  never  been  absent,  and  it  had  broken 
loose  from  time  to  time  in  such  exaggerated  forms 
as  the  great  tulip  craze  of  1637,  or  later  in  a  giant 


48    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

exploitation  of  the  Mississippi  Bubble.  The  great 
commercial  bodies,  such  as  the  India  companies, 
had  also  been  built  more  on  solid  water  than  on 
solid  stock  and  had  offered  wonderful  chances  for 
some  clever  speculating. 

Speculating  was  now,  however,  becoming  re- 
stricted to  gambling  on  the  values  of  the  stock- 
market.  Next  to  the  Ten  Commandments  the  re- 
ports of  the  Amsterdam  Stock  Exchange  became 
the  guiding  spirit  of  a  good  many  families,  who  were 
constantly  living  beyond  their  incomes  and  who 
were  trying  to  make  both  ends  meet  by  some  care- 
ful manipulations  on  'Change.  Then,  as  now,  a 
few  clever  men,  who  knew  the  inside  working  of  the 
thing,  made  money  and  made  a  lot  of  it.  Then,  as 
now,  the  outsider  was  made  to  pay  for  the  other 
fellow's  luck  and  lost  whatever  he  had. 

We  had  occasion  to  mention  the  Mississippi  Bub- 
ble. When  John  Law  extended  his  operations  to 
the  Republic,  almost  every  city  and  every  village 
became  involved  in  the  speculation  that  followed 
(except  the  careful  Regents  of  Amsterdam).  The 
wave  of  prosperity  that  followed  lasted  just  long 
enough  to  make  people  fond  of  the  luxuries  which 
their  temporarily  increased  means  allowed  them. 
The  terrible  failure  which  followed  immediately  after 
made  it  all  the  harder  for  them  to  go  without  those 
luxuries.  But  the  score  of  families  that  were  ruined 
for  all  time  were  soon  forgotten  for  the  few  lucky 
people  who  had  pulled  a  fortune  out  of  this  gamble. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  49 

During  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century 
large  financial  crises  came  with  a  horrible  regular- 
ity. First  of  all  in  '63.  Then  in  '73.  This  second 
one  was  followed  by  the  worst  of  all,  that  of  '81. 
Each  crisis,  started  by  some  outward  cause,  was 
made  possible  by  the  unsound  condition  of  affairs. 
Its  direct  result  every  time  was  the  failure  of  a 
number  of  banks.  These  bank  failures,  in  a  com- 
munity of  investors,  meant  ruin  to  a  number  of 
private  families  who  by  this  time  had  lost  all  taste 
or  aptitude  for  actual  business.  If  they  were  pos- 
sessed of  a  certain  amount  of  political  influence, 
they  could  usually  manage  to  get  employment  some- 
where in  the  Indies  in  the  service  of  the  East  India 
Company.  This  was  the  last  resort  for  failures 
among  the  best  families,  and  it  usually  allowed  them 
to  recover  from  their  past  losses  by  a  careful  exploit- 
ation of  the  natives.  The  small  fry,  however,  the 
little  investors,  were  left  high  and  dry  and  had  to  be- 
gin all  over  again  on  the  economic  and  social  ladder. 

Wall  Street  —  in  this  case  the  Stock  Exchange 
of  Amsterdam  —  became  the  highest  ruler  of  the 
land.  The  stock  exchange  is  no  doubt  a  very  valu- 
able servant  of  a  prosperous  country.  As  a  master, 
however,  it  has  never  yet  been  a  success. 

The  greatest  source  of  income  to  the  Republic 
had  always  been  its  commerce.  Its  very  existence 
depended  upon  it.  When  the  English  war  of  1781 
destroyed  this  commerce,  the  Republic  was  doomed 
and  collapsed  within  a  few  years. 


50    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

As  we  have  seen  before,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Low  Countries  had  been  forced  first  of  all  into  this 
carrying  trade,  because  the  absence  of  raw  mate- 
rials made  the  development  of  large  industries  an 
impossibility,  while  the  central  position  between 
many  large  nations  allowed  special  facilities  for  in- 
ternational commerce.  But  during  the  sixteenth 
century  another  great  factor  had  encouraged  the 
development  of  this  trade  in  a  measure  out  of  all 
proportion  to  the  size  of  the  country  and  the  num- 
ber of  its  inhabitants.  We  mean  the  fact  that  after 
the  Spanish  yoke  had  been  once  thrown  off,  the  Re- 
pubhc  was  spared  further  internal  troubles,  while 
the  surrounding  countries  were  kept  in  a  state  of 
constant  ferment  for  another  century. 

Germany  had  suffered  from  the  Thirty  Years' 
War,  which  reduced  her  population  from  eighteen 
million  to  four  million,  and  which  destroyed  her 
prosperity  for  at  least  three  centuries.  England 
went  through  a  series  of  civil  wars,  which  seriously 
hampered  her  normal  economic  development.  In 
France,  the  first  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  was 
a  period  of  continuous  religious  wars  and  of  sev- 
eral severe  internal  disturbances.  Spain  had  been 
ruined  by  a  system  of  political  economy  which  had 
drained  it  of  its  entire  gold  supply.  Portugal,  an 
old  colonial  rival  of  the  Republic,  was  exhausted 
after  the  many  years  of  Spanish  domination. 

The  Republic,  on  the  other  hand,  when  in  the  year 
1602  it  concluded  the  twelve  years'  truce  with 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  51 

Spain,  had  its  hands  comparatively  free.  Holland 
and  Zeeland,  the  two  principal  commercial  pro- 
vinces, had  not  suffered  directly  from  the  enemy  for 
almost  twenty  years  and  had  been  able  to  develop 
their  resources  in  perfect  peace.  Except  for  the 
riot  of  1672,  which  lasted  only  a  few  weeks,  there 
had  been  no  actual  bloodshed  in  a  civil  war.  There 
had  been  political  and  religious  struggles,  but  never 
had  the  business  life  of  the  country  been  suspended 
while  two  warring  factions  were  actually  fighting 
for  the  control  of  the  government. 

It  is  true,  that  the  Republic,  during  the  seven- 
teenth century,  had  fought  several  severe  wars  with 
England,  but  these  wars  were  fought  for  economic 
purposes  and  not  for  religious  or  dynastic  prin- 
ciples. Since  1600  the  Republic  had  on  the  whole 
been  able  to  give  its  entire  force  towards  the  de- 
velopment of  its  trade,  commerce,  and  industries. 
When  in  1621  the  war  with  Spain  was  renewed,  the 
Republic  suffered  no  loss  but  that  of  the  actual 
sums  of  money  with  which  it  paid  others  to  do  the 
fighting.  On  the  contrary,  the  renewed  hostilities 
allowed  the  different  trading  companies  to  attack 
the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonies  wherever  they 
could,  and  enabled  them  to  acquire  a  large  share  of 
new  territory. 

In  the  matter  of  religion,  the  Republic  did  not 
yet  avow  any  modern  ideas  of  tolerance,  and  cer- 
tainly she  did  not  openly  recognize  the  existence  of 
perfect  hberty  in  all  those  things  which  pertain  to 


52    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  soul.  But  neither  did  she  aggressively  perse- 
cute all  those  who  in  a  humble  and  inconspicuous 
way  tried  to  find  salvation  by  methods  different 
from  those  of  the  established  Reformed  Church. 
Provided  the  dissenter's  methods  were  not  danger- 
ous to  the  safety  of  the  State,  and  provided  the  dis- 
senter did  not  try  to  proselytize,  he  was  left  abso- 
lutely alone.  This  made  the  Republic  a  haven  of 
rest  for  those  poor  creatures  who  elsewhere  had  to 
suffer  on  account  of  their  religious  convictions. 
From  all  parts  of  Europe  large  numbers  of  people 
fled  to  Holland.  These  new  citizens  soon  proved  to 
be  of  great  value.  Not  only  did  they  bring  energy 
and  resourcefulness  in  business  matters  to  their 
new  home,  but  often  they  also  brought  their  capi- 
tal and  their  credit  and  put  both  into  the  service 
of  the  Republic's  commerce. 

In  a  previous  chapter  we  have  shown  how  the 
Low  Countries  had  always  been  a  studious  sort  of 
place,  where  people  took  things  seriously  and  felt 
an  interest  in  book-learning.  This  interest  in  read- 
ing and  studying  was  also  of  great  value  to  the 
development  of  commerce,  especially  of  shipping. 
Foreign  languages,  even  such  remote  ones  as  those 
spoken  in  the  Levantine  countries,  were  studied 
carefully.  A  scientific  system  of  book-keeping  did 
away  with  the  older  and  clumsier  methods.  The 
whole  technique  of  trade  and  commerce  became 
better  and  more  profitable  than  the  old  hit-or-miss 
methods.  The  art  of  navigation  was  studied  out  to 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  53 

a  fine  point  and  was  aided  by  the  production  of  an 
excellent  set  of  atlases  and  charts.  An  aptitude  for 
navigation,  acquired  during  many  centuries  of  sea- 
faring hfe,  allowed  the  Hollanders  to  man  their 
ships  with  half  as  many  sailors  as  other  nations  did, 
thereby  greatly  reducing  the  cost  of  equipment. 
At  the  same  time  a  system  of  shipbuilding  had  been 
developed  which  turned  out  vessels  outlasting  all 
foreign  products  by  many  years.  In  all  these  things 
the  Republic  was  so  far  ahead  of  its  contemporaries 
that  people  in  any  way  connected  with  trade  or 
business  in  general  used  to  go  to  Holland  to  study 
its  methods,  just  as  in  our  own  days  an  expert  in 
engineering  would  go  to  Germany  or  America.  All 
of  this,  however,  is  no  longer  true  in  the  eighteenth 
century.  England,  towards  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  had  at  last  come  to  peace  and  had  started 
upon  that  career  of  commercial  and  colonial  expan- 
sion which  has  lasted  into  our  own  days.  In  France, 
since  the  days  of  Colbert,  a  large  system  of  manu- 
facturing had  been  developed,  while  great  attention 
was  being  paid  to  both  the  fleet  and  the  colonies. 
Spain  was  making  desperate  attempts  to  reform  its 
internal  affairs.  In  Germany,'  in  certain  principal- 
ities and  in  some  of  the  old  Hanse  towns,  a  new  and 
more  vigorous  life  began  to  show  signs  of  the  com- 
ing of  another  day.  Sweden  had  been  at  last  forced 
to  discontinue  a  foreign  policy  which  had  done  it 
little  good  and  much  harm,  and  was  beginning  to 
revive  from  the  disastrous  wars  of  Charles  XII.  Of 


54    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

course,  all  these  things  did  not  happen  when  the 
clock  struck  twelve  at  midnight  of  December  31, 
1699.  In  some  countries,  the  awakening  came 
within  the  first  twenty  years  of  the  century,  in 
others  much  later. 

We  wish  to  give  only  a  general  impression  of  that 
time  and  show  how,  during  the  course  of  the  eight- 
eenth century,  one  nation  after  another,  which  had 
been  handicapped  in  the  economic  struggle  by  in- 
ternal disorders,  was  now  beginning  to  pick  up  and 
to  fight  for  such  a  share  of  the  world's  business  as  it 
was  entitled  to  by  right  of  its  geographical  posi- 
tion, its  natural  resources,  and  the  number  of  its 
citizens.  Also  one  after  the  other  of  these  nations 
discovered  that  during  the  century  which  had  gone 
before,  when  for  some  reason  or  other  it  had  been 
incapacitated,  the  Dutch  merchants  had  quietly 
but  not  the  less  effectively  monopolized  its  entire 
trade. 

'  On  every  side  there  was  found  to  exist  a  com- 
plete dependence  upon  the  Dutch  trader  and  manu- 
facturer. Now  these  foreign  nations  quite  natur- 
ally did  not  like  this  condition  of  affairs,  and  they 
tried  in  every  way  to  free  themselves  from  this 
economic  dependence.  By  every  possible  means  of 
defense,  such  as  a  high  protective  tariff  and  large 
premiums  to  native  enterprises,  foreign  nations 
started  to  combat  this  Dutch  monopoly  and  tried 
to  regain  the  ground  lost  by  previous  generations 
of  their  citizens. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  55 

When  we  read  the  hundreds  of  pamphlets  which 
during  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  drew 
the  attention  of  the  Estates  to  the  pitiful  condi- 
tion of  "business,"  we  are  inclined  to  believe  that 
there  had  actually  been  a  sudden  and  serious  de- 
cline in  all  the  many  and  varied  forms  of  commer- 
cial activity  during  the  twenty  years  that  had  just 
passed.  The  Dutch  merchants  had  been  so  accus- 
tomed to  their  natural  monopoly  in  the  carrying 
trade  and  in  a  number  of  industries  that  any  in- 
fringement thereon  by  a  foreign  nation,  however 
justifiable,  was  regarded  by  them  as  an  outrage. 
They  forgot  that  not  only  had  the  population  of  the 
Republic  increased  and  the  profits  been  therefore 
divided  among  more  persons  than  before,  but  also 
that  only  a  most  exceptional  combination  of  cir- 
cumstances had  allowed  them  to  acquire  and  main- 
tain the  position  which  they  were  now  gradually 
losing. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  write  down  a  long  string 
of  facts  regarding  the  history  of  the  Republic.  We 
are  endeavoring  to  make  the  history  of  a  very  dull 
period  readable  and  we  shall  not  annoy  our  readers 
with  many  ciphers.  But  a  few  figures  are  necessary 
to  show  how  this  gradual  change  took  place.  For 
the  purpose  of  a  history  of  business,  we  can  divide 
the  eighteenth  century  roughly  into  several  periods. 

The  period  from  1700  to  1730  was  prosperous — a 
reaction  after  the  bad  years  of  the  war  with  France 
and  the  war  of  the  Spanish  Succession.  Home  indus- 


5Q    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

tries  flourished  and  exports  filled  the  ships  when 
they  were  not  needed  for  the  carrying  business  be- 
tween foreign  countries.  But  about  1730,  under  the 
pressure  of  foreign  competition,  the  Dutch  indus- 
tries began  to  languish.  From  1730  to  1750  was  a 
bad  time.  Then  new  sources  oi  income  having  been 
opened,  and  the  war  between  England  and  France 
and  England  and  America  offering  splendid  oppor- 
tunities for  profitable  smuggling,  there  was  a  new 
period,  which  in  the  whole  was  favorable. 

But  there  was  no  longer  a  sound  basis  for  this 
prosperity,  and  when  the  war  with  England  broke 
out  in  1780  it  destroyed  the  last  vestiges  of  Dutch 
commerce  so  suddenly  and  so  completely  that  it 
was  not  until  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century 
that  a  revival  was  possible.  The  most  valuable 
statistics  which  we  possess  for  the  trade  of  Holland 
are  the  registers  of  the  toll  in  the  Sont.  The  Sont, 
which  gave  entrance  to  the  Baltic  Sea,  had  always 
been  a  profitable  source  of  income  to  Denmark, 
which  had  imposed  a  toll  upon  all  ships  passing 
through  these  straits.  Now  the  earliest  and  the 
most  profitable  business  of  the  Republic  had  been 
to  carry  grain  from  the  Baltic  provinces  to  other 
parts  of  Europe.  Dantzig  and  Liibeck  and,  later 
on,  Riga,  were  the  chief  jx)rts  from  which  the  grain 
was  shipped. 

The  number  of  Dutch  ships  that  passed  through 
the  Sont  in  1497  was  567;  in  1597,  3908  ships;  in 
1697,  more  than  4000  ships.  But  from  then  on,  the 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  57 

number  goes  down.  In  the  middle  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  only  3000  passed  through;  in  1774 
(year  after  a  crisis),  2447  ships.  Six  years  later 
there  were  2080  ships.  Then  comes  the  war  with 
England.  In  1781  the  number  is  eleven  ships.  In 
1782  the  carrying  trade  picked  up  a  bit,  but  it  never 
regained  even  half  of  its  former  size.^^  In  this  trade 
the  largest  amount  of  capital  had  been  invested. 
As  the  decline  was  the  same  all  along  the  line,  we 
can  imagine  what  it  must  have  been  in  the  other 
branches  of  commerce. 

The  trade  with  England  (partly  goods  in  transit, 
but  mostly  exports  of  homemade  manufactures) 
showed  a  steady  decline  on  the  part  of  the  Repubhc 
with  a  corresponding  increase  in  the  quantity  of 
goods  imported  from  Great  Britain.  During  the 
eighteenth  century,  France  was  a  much  better  cus- 
tomer than  England.  France  had  developed  a  large 
manufacturing  system  and  wanted  to  send  its  pro- 
ducts to  its  colonies,  but  it  did  not  possess  the 
necessary  commercial  marine.  It  was  therefore 
obliged  to  use  Dutch  ships.  Now  that  the  Dutch 
Republic  had  rivals  for  the  monopoly  of  the  carry- 
ing trade  in  Danish  and  Swedish  and  English  ships, 
this  unwelcome  competition  forced  her  to  be  much 
more  circumspect  in  her  treatment  of  her  old 
customers  than  she  liked  to  be.  In  order  to  keep 
the  profitable  French  business,  we  see  how,  during 
the  eighteenth  century,  the  Republic  is  gradually 
driven  away  from  its  old  friendship  with  England 


58    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

and  is  obliged  to  become  the  ally  of  France.  All 
during  this  century  we  see  how  political  disobedi- 
ence on  the  part  of  the  Repubhc  is  immediately 
punished  by  France  by  a  threat  of  economic 
reprisals  —  the  increasing  of  certain  duties  or  the 
interdict  of  certain  imports.  And  without  fail,  the 
Republic  has  to  apologize  and  to  submit  to  France's 
demands.  It  could  no  longer  afford  to  lose  any  cus- 
tomers. Finally,  the  Republic  was  even  driven  by 
France  into  the  American  adventure,  which  led 
directly  to  the  war  with  England  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Republic's  commerce. 

As  for  Spain,  the  Repubhc  never  regained  its 
former  importance  there  after  the  war  of  the  Span- 
ish Succession.^'  The  slave  trade  with  the  Spanish 
colonies  became  an  English  monopoly  in  1713,  and 
the  Republic  gradually  lost  all  its  business  with  the 
Spanish  colonies  in  South  America. 

The  Russian  and  the  Levantine  trade  show  us  the 
same  state  of  affairs.  There  is  not  a  sudden  decline, 
not  even  a  decline  within  a  few  years,  but  other 
nations,  especially  England,  are  constantly  closely 
pushing  the  Dutch  merchants,  and  every  customer 
whom  the  Hollander  loses  is  gain  for  his  British 
rivals.  During  the  first  years  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, we  find  almost  two  hundred  ships  going  from 
Holland  to  St.  Petersburg.  Fifty  years  later,  their 
number  had  decreased  by  two  thirds.  In  1795,  there 
is  only  one  ship.  But  in  the  same  year  there  are 
more  than  five  hundred  English  ships  in  that  harbor. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  59 

where  a  century  before  the  trade  had  been  practi- 
cally a  monopoly  of  the  Hollanders.  The  Levantine 
trade,  the  trade  on  the  Turkish  and  Italian  coast, 
sometimes  shows  a  temporary  small  increase,  but 
it  is  invariably  followed  by  many  bad  years.  In 
Turkey  the  English  gradually  replaced  the  Dutch 
merchants  until  none  were  left  of  the  latter. 

The  same  can  be  said  of  another  form  of  enter- 
prise which  was  even  older  than  the  carrying  trade 
and  out  of  which  the  carrying  trade  had  actually 
grown.  We  mean  the  fisheries.  Since  during  the 
late  Middle  Ages  the  herring  had  left  the  Baltic 
Sea  and  had  come  to  live  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean  and 
in  the  North  Sea,  herring  fishing  had  become  a 
most  important  and  profitable  factor  in  the  life  of 
the  people  along  the  coast.  When  in  1380  a  Zeeland 
fisherman  had  invented  a  way  of  curing  the  herring, 
this  fish  became  a  great  article  of  export  to  be  con- 
sumed by  the  Catholic  world  on  all  its  fast  days. 
The  small  cities  in  Zeeland  and  along  the  border  of 
the  Zuyderzee  had  greatly  profited  by  these  fish- 
eries, and  by  means  of  them  they  had  laid  the 
foundations  of  those  fortunes  which  during  a  later 
period  allowed  them  to  participate  in  the  trade  on 
the  Baltic  and  later  on  to  take  their  share  in  the  East 
and  West  India  Companies.  Early  in  the  sixteenth 
century  whaling  had  been  added  to  the  herring 
fishing.  The  fisheries  so  much  impressed  foreign 
visitors  that  they  have  left  us  the  most  exaggerated 
stories  about  the  thousands  of  ships,  with  their  ten 


60    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

thousands  of  men  and  their  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  profit.^* 

Now,  while  the  Republic  had  a  natural  monopoly 
of  many  things  abroad  it  did  not  indulge  in  trading 
monopolies  at  home.  Except  for  the  East  India 
Company,  there  is  not  a  single  monopoly  in  the 
Republic  which  managed  to  maintain  itself  as  such 
for  any  length  of  time.  "Free  trade"  and  "free- 
dom of  action  in  trade"  were  the  two  principles 
which  caused  the  Republic's  supremacy.  The  her- 
ring fisheries,  too,  were  no  monopoly,  for  every  city 
and  every  village  sent  as  many  ships  as  it  could  — 
subject  only  to  such  general  rules  and  regulations 
as  the  Estates  General  provided  in  order  to  keep  the 
fisheries  as  much  as  possible  in  Dutch  hands. 

But  again,  no  sooner  were  the  first  twenty  years 
of  the  eighteenth  century  by  than  we  see  a  slow  but 
steady  decline  in  these  fisheries.  The  whalers  had 
a  very  hard  time  maintaining  themselves  against 
English  and  Danish  competitors.  Germany,  Den- 
mark, England,  and  Sweden,  all  of  them  living 
much  nearer  to  the  regions  where  the  herring  was  to 
be  found,  drove  out  the  Dutch  fishermen,  who  had 
to  cross  the  North  Sea  before  they  could  reach 
fishing  waters. 

In  some  countries,  most  particularly  in  France, 
special  laws  were  formulated  which  prevented  the 
importation  of  herring  which  was  caught  by  Dutch 
ships.  The  government  of  the  Republic  tried  all 
sorts  of  remedies.   The  duties  which  all  the  pro- 


ECONOMIC   DEVELOPMENT  61 

vinces  had  been  in  the  habit  of  levying  upon  the 
fisheries  in  their  time  of  prosperity  were  aboUshed.^^ 
This  did  not  prove  of  any  special  help.  Then  an  at- 
tempt was  made  to  subsidize  the  fisheries.  A  large 
sum  was  appropriated  each  year  for  these  subsidies. 
A  premium  as  high  as  five  hundred  guilders  was 
finally  promised  to  each  ship  that  should  go  out  for 
fishing  purposes.  Even  this  did  not  stay  the  decline. 
In  1736  there  were  219  fishing  ships.  Ten  years 
later  the  number  was  only  144.  It  never  went  up 
again.  The  EngUsh  war  put  a  complete  end  to  it 
for  several  years. 

But  the  greatest  net  profit  of  all  had  been  derived 
from  the  colonies,  and  we  must  consider  their  ad- 
ventures more  particularly.  They  are  highly  illus- 
trative of  the  general  methods  employed  by  the 
Republic.  Of  all  the  different  trading  companies, 
of  which  there  were  many  during  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, only  two  large  ones,  formed  from  combination 
of  a  number  of  smaller  ones,  survived.  These  were 
the  East  and  West  India  Companies,  and  of  these 
two,  the  former  played  by  far  the  greater  role. 
It  was  a  monopoly,  and  a  monopoly  which  in  our 
own  day  would  hardly  be  tolerated  for  any  length 
of  time.^^  It  was  formed  in  1602  with  the  great 
Raadpensionaris  of  Holland,  van  Oldenbarneveldt, 
as  its  organizer  and  chief  leader.  It  started  out  with 
a  capital  of  only  6,500,000  guilders,  over  half  of 
which  was  subscribed  for  and  paid  in  by  the  mer- 
chants of  Amsterdam.  From  the  very  beginning  it 


62    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

prospered.  Its  stock  stood  high  five  years  after  its 
formation.  In  fifty  years  the  stock  had  gone  up  to 
380.  During  the  eighteenth  century  it  went  up  to 
570  and  even  higher  than  600.  Five  years  after  it 
was  founded,  the  company  paid  seventy-five  per 
cent  dividends.  But  that  was  only  during  the  first 
years,  and  was  possible  only  because  of  a  most 
irresponsible  method  of  robbery  of  the  new  colonies. 
The  average  during  the  hundred  and  eighty  years 
of  the  company's  existence  was  twenty-one  per 
cent. 

We  can  judge  of  the  sums  which  this  enterprise 
brought  into  the  pockets  of  the  Dutch  merchants 
when  we  consider  the  fact  that  upon  one  share  of 
3000  guilders,  during  a  period  of  eighty  years,  no 
less  than  107,665  guilders  were  paid  in  dividends. 
The  possession  of  a  few  of  these  shares  of  3000 
guilders,  which  were  regularly  sold  at  18,000 
guilders,  would  keep  an  entire  family  in  comfort. 

Now,  how  was  this  accomphshed?  Chiefly 
through  a  most  rigorous  maintenance  of  the  com- 
pany's monopoly  in  spices.  This  spice  trade  was  of 
such  importance  that  we  may  again  intrude  with  a 
few  figures.  In  1632,  seven  ships  returned  from 
India  loaded  with  spices.  They  had  cost  the  com- 
pany about  2,000,000  guilders.  They  were  sold  for 
10,000,000.  Deduct  a  million  for  ships,  equipment, 
etc.,  and  we  still  have  a  gain  greatly  surpassing  the 
original  capital  of  the  company.  In  the  year  1661, 
the  fleet  returned  from  India  with  goods  which  cost 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  63 

2,000,000  guilders  and  which  sold  for  4,000,000 
more.  Even  in  1672,  the  worst  year  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  the  East  India  Company  brought 
more  than  40,000,000  guilders  worth  of  merchan- 
dise to  the  Republic.  The  company  used  to  buy  her 
spices  in  India  for  thirty  cents  a  pound.  She  sold 
them  at  home  for  four  guilders  a  pound  —  a  gain  of 
twelve  hundred  per  cent. 

An  average  yearly  product  of  these  spices  was  as 
follows:  nutmeg,  300,000  pounds;  mace,  100,000 
pounds ;  and  cloves,  300,000  pounds.  At  the  rate  as 
given  above,  we  can  well  understand  the  profits  of 
this  trade.  And  the  chief  beauty  of  it  all  (from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  company)  was  the  fact  that  it 
could  regulate  the  spice-supply  in  such  a  way  as  to 
keep  the  prices  to  the  desired  height.  The  company 
was  supreme  in  those  islands  which  alone  grew 
spices,  and  could  encourage  their  production  just 
as  it  could  destroy  all  over-production.  When  we 
read  how  whole  spice  islands  were  burned  out  in 
order  that  the  price  of  nutmeg  or  mace  might  be  in- 
creased, we  feel  almost  friendly  towards  our  modern 
trusts. 

As  to  the  management  of  this  company,  it  was 
such  that  a  modern  board  of  directors  following  its 
example  would  be  in  the  state's  prison  in  a  very 
short  while.  The  Dutch  people  in  commercial  as 
well  as  in  political  hfe  loved  "committees."  No- 
thing was  ever  done  by  a  single  man  that  could  be 
done  by  a  committee  of  men.  We  have  seen  how  the 


64    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

whole  political  fabric  of  the  Union  and  the  province 
consisted  of  an  innumerable  number  of  committees 
and  sub-committees.  It  was  the  same  in  all  com- 
mercial enterprises,  and  the  East  India  Company 
was  not  an  exception.  There  was  no  single  head,  no 
director-general,  as  there  is  in  a  modern  concern  of 
that  sort.  The  company  was  divided  into  four 
"chambers."  These  chambers  represented  each  a 
certain  number  of  stockholders.  The  largest  one 
was  that  of  Amsterdam,  which  had  invested 
3,700,000  guilders.  Then  came  Zeeland  with  1,300,- 
000,  Hoorn  and  Enkhuizen  with  550,000  and 
250,000  guilders,  and  Delft  and  Rotterdam  with 
450,000  and  175,000  guilders  respectively. 

None  of  the  other  cities  is  mentioned.  Therefore, 
although  the  grant  of  the  East  India  Company's 
monopoly  had  been  given  by  the  Estates  General 
and  the  company  flew  the  flag  of  the  Union,  the 
whole  affair  remained  essentially  in  the  hands  of 
Holland  and  Zeeland.  The  inhabitants  of  other 
provinces  could  own  stock  individually,  but  they 
could  not  exercise  any  direct  influence  upon  the 
management  of  the  company's  affairs. 

The  members  of  each  of  the  four  chambers  looked 
only  after  the  India  business  of  their  own  particular 
town,  and  supervised  and  equipped  the  ships  which 
each  town  was  allowed  to  send  out,  a  number  which 
was  in  proportion  to  the  share  in  the  general  capi- 
tal. For  here  as  elsewhere  the  intense  particularism 
held  sway:  a  ship  which  was  sent  out  by  Delft  or  by 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  65 

Hoorn  had  to  return  to  Delft  or  to  Hoorn.  But  as 
the  company  was  not  only  a  trading  company  but 
also  a  sovereign  political  body,  which  in  the  name 
of  the  Estates  General  kept  armies  and  a  fleet  and 
made  war  and  concluded  treaties  and  acquired  ter- 
ritory, it  was  necessary  that  some  central  body 
supervise  the  general  pohcy  of  the  company. 

There  was  a  general  board  of  directors  in  which 
Amsterdam  was  represented  by  twenty  members, 
Zeeland  by  twelve,  the  other  two  cities  by  seven 
each.  But  this  number  of  men  was  too  large  for 
practical  purposes,  and  the  immediate  power  be- 
came centred  in  a  board  of  governors,  composed  of 
seventeen  members,  the  "Messrs.  XVII,"  as  they 
were  called.  In  this  board  Amsterdam  was  repre- 
sented by  eight  members;  Zeeland  had  four;  the 
other  two  chambers,  each  two.  The  seventeenth 
member  was  appointed  alternately  by  one  of  the 
chambers,  excluding  Amsterdam.  The  old  story 
repeated  itself.  Both  in  this  board  and  in  the  gen- 
eral board  of  directors,  Amsterdam  through  its 
large  capital  was  supreme  and  ruled  the  company  as 
it  ruled  practically  everything  else  in  the  Republic. 

The  Messrs.  XVII  appointed  the  governor- 
general  of  the  Indies;  they  also  appointed  all  the 
other  employees,  civil,  military,  and  judicial;  but 
these  were  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Estates 
General.  The  Estates  General,  however,  let  well 
enough  alone.  Except  in  the  choice  of  the  governor- 
general,  they  never  controlled  any  of  the  Indian 


66   FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

appointments.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  although  they 
were  at  liberty  to  do  so,  they  never  interfered  with 
the  affairs  of  the  company  at  all.  As  long  as  the 
company's  stock  was  quoted  at  500,  and  higher,  no 
questions  were  asked. 

But  where  in  this  broad  scheme  of  business  did  the 
stockholders  come  in  ?  We  do  not  mean  the  direct- 
ors and  the  high  oflScials,  who  were  all  appointed 
from  among  the  Regents,  but  the  small  investors, 
the  men  who  owned  two  to  five  shares  and  who  had 
no  connection  with  the  governing  classes.  They  did 
not  come  in  anywhere.  They  were  allowed  to  take 
their  dividends  and  to  thank  their  mighty  lordships 
for  their  excellent  management  which  provided 
them  with  such  high  returns.  As  for  exercising  any 
influence,  however  small,  in  the  management  of  the 
affairs  in  which  they  were  interested,  that  was  en- 
tirely out  of  the  question.  Stockholders'  meetings 
were  unknown.  Neither  did  the  company  at  any 
time  of  its  existence  publish  an  account  of  its  busi- 
ness. By  the  terms  of  its  original  grant,  the  com- 
pany was  obliged  to  report  to  the  Estates  General 
once  every  ten  years  and  show  its  balance-sheets. 
The  company  omitted  to  do  this,  the  Estates  Gen- 
eral did  not  insist,  and  the  stockholders  were  en- 
tirely powerless  to  enforce  this  stipulation. 

During  the  first  fifty  years  of  the  company's 
existence  the  stockholders  made  some  semblance  of 
a  fight  to  get  their  side  represented  in  the  board  of 
directors,  but  to  no  avail.  Their  protests  were  laid 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  67 

upon  the  table,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  dividends 
were  kept  so  high  that  most  shareholders  were  quite 
willing  not  to  inquire  into  the  company's  methods, 
but  merely  to  content  themselves  with  the  results 
of  these  methods.  The  secrecy  which  prevailed 
about  the  book-keeping  and  the  accounting  of  the 
company  was  maintained  so  rigorously  that  not 
even  minutes  of  the  meetings  of  the  Messrs.  XVII 
were  kept.  To  this  day  we  do  not  know  in  detail 
how  the  company  was  managed.  An  authentic  ac- 
count of  their  doings  would,  however,  make  very 
interesting  reading.  These  directors  indulged  in  the 
most  wonderful  financial  juggling  to  make  both  ends 
meet.  During  the  seventeenth  century  the  colonies 
produced  enough  of  everything  to  keep  the  div- 
idends high.  But  during  the  eighteenth  century 
there  were  years  when  it  would  have  been  impos- 
sible to  keep  the  shares  up  to  their  ordinary  height 
without  borrowing  money.  In  order  to  keep  the 
fact  of  a  less  favorable  year  from  the  knowledge  of 
the  people  at  home,  the  company  used  to  borrow 
money  in  India  or  elsewhere  at  three  times  the  rate 
of  interest  of  Holland,  rather  than  let  the  fact  that 
money  was  needed  be  known  at  home. 

In  India,  in  its  relations  with  the  natives,  the 
company  was  a  severe  master.  This  was  a  matter 
of  necessity.  Without  prompt  and  stern  retribu- 
tion, no  people  on  earth  could  have  founded  such  a 
large  colonial  empire.  We  are  not  trying  to  defend 
the  company's  methods.   In  the  light  of  our  own 


68    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

day  they  were  hardly  permissible.  In  the  light  of 
their  time,  however,  they  compared  favorably  with 
the  colonial  methods  of  the  Latin  races  in  that  the 
conquered  people  were  not  interfered  with  on  ac- 
count of  their  religion.  The  company  was  a  trad- 
ing concern  and  expected  to  pay  dividends  as  high 
as  possible. 

As  long  as  the  native  allowed  these  dividends  to 
be  continued,  the  company  was  willing  to  let  the 
native  work  out  his  own  salvation  in  his  own  way. 
It  was  a  very  plain  business  agreement,  such  as  we 
find  in  our  modern  industrial  undertakings.  Only 
the  results  counted.  There  was  no  sentiment 
wasted  on  anything  not  directly  pertaining  to  re- 
sults. In  order  to  get  money,  the  company  forced 
the  native  to  work.  But  in  order  to  avert  rebellion 
and  war  on  the  part  of  the  native,  the  company 
was  obliged  to  keep  within  certain  bounds.  In  this 
way  a  working  system  was  hit  upon  which  did 
fairly  well  for  both  parties. 

Now,  the  men  who  during  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury acted  as  governors-general,  and  who  acted  in 
high  military  and  civic  capacities  in  the  Indies, 
were  without  exception  strong  men  with  all  the 
virtues  and  the  failings  of  such.  During  the  eight- 
eenth century,  however,  the  management  fell  more 
and  more  into  the  hands  of  people  who,  without 
merit,  got  their  position  on  account  of  their  family 
connections.  As  we  have  said  before,  the  Indies 
became  the  place  whither  went  those  who  were  not 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  69 

wanted  at  home,  either  on  account  of  some  finan- 
cial business  or  on  account  of  some  undesirable  civil 
notoriety.  One  and  all  their  only  idea  in  crossing 
the  Atlantic  and  Indian  Oceans  was  to  improve 
their  financial  condition.  The  difference  between 
high  and  low  oflBcial  was  chiefly  in  the  larger  or 
smaller  amount  of  money  which  they  appropriated 
for  themselves.  It  will  be  easily  understood  that 
with  such  officers  the  affairs  of  the  company  went 
from  bad  to  worse.  After  1770  its  credit  was  main- 
tained with  great  difficulty.  After  1780  it  was  prac- 
tically bankrupt.  When  in  1795  the  old  RepubHc 
fell  to  pieces,  the  East  India  Company  was  one  of 
the  first  bodies  to  collapse.  Up  to  the  last  years, 
however,  it  was  to  its  stockholders  a  source  of  a 
splendid  income.  The  deluge  came  when  the  people 
who  were  to  play  a  role  in  our  history  were  well 
past  middle  age. 

The  same  thing  cannot  be  said  of  the  West  India 
Company.  ^^  It  was  founded  in  1621,  after  the 
plans  of  the  East  India  Company,  save  that  stock- 
holders had  a  more  direct  influence  upon  the  com- 
pany's management.  Like  the  East  India  Com- 
pany it  was  meant  to  be  a  strict  monopoly.  But 
in  this  it  failed.  As  we  have  said  before,  of  all 
the  monopolies  which  at  one  time  or  another  were 
started  in  the  Republic  none  proved  successful 
except  the  East  India  Company.  All  the  others, 
whether  trading  or  fishing  or  manufacturing  was 
the  ultimate  purpose,  failed  sooner  or  later,  and 


70    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

their  place  was  taken  up  by  enterprises  founded 
by  private  initiative,  which  curiously  enough  suc- 
ceeded where  the  monopoly  had  failed.  The  West 
India  Company  had  been  started  with  more  capital 
than  her  East  Indian  rival.  Fully  seven  millions 
had  been  subscribed.  Amsterdam  came  first  with 
four  ninths  of  the  total  amount,  Zeeland  paid  in 
two  ninths,  Rotterdam  and  Hoorn  each  one  ninth, 
while  one  ninth  went  to  the  provinces  of  Groningen 
and  Friesland.  The  country  provinces  were  there- 
fore represented  in  contrast  with  the  East  India 
Company,  which  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  Hol- 
land and  Zeeland.  What  made  the  West  India 
Company  still  more  an  affair  of  the  whole  country 
was  the  fact  that  the  Estates  General  took  500,000 
guilders  worth  of  stock  and  the  Stadholder,  50,000. 
There  were  seventy -four  directors  appointed  by  the 
Estates  from  among  the  stockholders  who  pos- 
sessed two  or  more  securities  of  6000  guilders. 
A  committee  of  nineteen  looked  after  the  direct 
management.  Eight  of  the  members  of  this  com- 
mittee were  appointed  by  Amsterdam,  ten  by 
the  other  four  chambers,  one  by  the  Estates  Gen- 
eral. 

The  company  received  a  monopoly  of  the  trade 
on  the  west  coast  of  Africa,  the  east  coast  of  Amer- 
ica, and  all  of  the  islands  between  and  to  the  south 
of  those  two  coasts.  This  means  that  the  West 
India  Company  was  to  consider  the  Atlantic  Ocean 
as  her  own  private  possession  in  the  same  way  that 


ECONOMIC   DEVELOPMENT  71 

the  East  India  Company  was  to  have  full  sway  in 
the  Indian  Ocean.  The  salt  trade  was  also  made  a 
monopoly  of  this  company,  and  a  very  profitable 
one  it  proved  to  be. 

From  the  very  first,  however,  the  West  India  Com- 
pany was  unsuccessful.  The  East  India  Company 
had  everything  its  own  way.  It  found  that  the  first 
rough  pioneering  work  in  the  Indies  had  already 
been  done  by  the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese. 
After  it  had  once  driven  them  out  of  their  strong- 
holds, it  found  a  native  population  with  a  fair 
amount  of  civilization,  quite  accustomed  to  do  work 
in  the  fields  and  on  the  plantations. 

The  possessions  of  the  West  India  Company 
also  lay  under  the  equator,  and  as  far  as  their  geo- 
graphical situation  was  concerned  they  might  have 
produced  all  tropical  plants.  Here,  however,  there 
was  no  civilized  native  population  available  to  do 
the  necessary  work.  The  native  had  first  to  be 
caught  and  then  had  to  be  trained  to  do  regular 
work,  and  the  plantations  had  to  be  laid  out  and 
some  twenty  years  would  have  to  go  by  before 
there  would  be  any  practical  results.  But  the  Dutch 
trading  companies  of  that  day  worked  for  immedi- 
ate results  and  not  for  the  possible  benefit  of  future 
generations.  The  idea  of  starting  colonies  which 
were  to  enrich  their  grandchildren  was  not  in  the 
least  agreeable  to  the  Dutch  stockholders.  They 
did  not  colonize  to  get  a  hinterland  for  the  products 
of  the  mother  country.   They  colonized  to  get  div- 


72    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

idends  out  of  the  products  of  their  newly  conquered 
territory. 

Even  if  they  had  wanted  to  colonize  in  the  mod- 
ern sense  of  the  word,  there  would  not  have  been 
people  enough  to  populate  such  colonies.  The  few 
million  people  in  the  entire  Republic  were  hardly 
sufficient  to  look  after  all  the  work  that  needed  to 
be  done  at  home.  There  was  no  inducement  for  any 
of  them  to  go  into  a  far-away  and  uncivilized  coun- 
try to  make  a  living  when  home  provided  a  decent 
living  at  little  cost.  This  explains  the  impossibil- 
ity of  getting  the  colony  of  New  Amsterdam  under 
way.  There  were  not  emigrants  enough  to  make 
the  thing  successful.  It  was  not  that  the  Hollanders 
of  the  seventeenth  century  did  not  see  a  future  in 
the  settlement  along  the  Hudson.  But  the  country 
had  undertaken  to  do  a  great  deal  more  than  it 
was  able  to  do,  and  hence  it  failed  in  those  places 
where  the  immediate  returns  were  smallest.  The 
East  Indies  proved  to  be  the  most  productive  part 
of  the  world  in  which  Dutch  capital  was  interested. 
Hence  the  East  India  colonies  were  exploited  with 
care  and  patience.  The  West  Indies  were  merely 
second  choice,  and  as  such  were  left  to  get  along  as 
best  they  could  without  active  support.  The  West 
India  Company  had  some  good  days.  But  they 
were  caused  by  what,  for  lack  of  another  word,  we 
will  call  legitimate  piracy. 

Spanish  treasure  fleets  and  Portuguese  colonies, 
whenever  taken  by  the  company's  armed  forces. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  73 

caused  sudden  and  spasmodic  intervals  of  super- 
abundant dividends.  But  there  was  no  steady  and 
enduring  profit,  and  these  abnormal  windfalls  could 
not  prevent  the  company  from  becoming  a  bank- 
rupt as  early  as  1674.  Now  it  was  not  the  policy  of 
the  Regents  to  let  anything  in  which  they  were 
officially  interested  (in  this  case  quite  officially 
through  the  share  which  the  Estates  General  had  in 
the  undertaking)  go  to  the  bankruptcy  court.  Be- 
fore it  was  quite  so  bad  as  all  that,  the  company 
was  reorganized  and  was  continued  under  a  new 
grant. 

But  this  new  grant  meant  practically  the  end  of 
her  existence  as  a  monopoly.  It  recognized  the  fact 
that  monopoly,  in  that  part  of  the  world,  at  least, 
was  a  failure.  It  is  true  the  company  was  still  al- 
lowed the  exclusive  trading  privilege  on  the  west 
coast  of  Africa,  the  West  Indian  Islands,  and  Suri- 
nam, Essequibo,  Berbice,  and  Curagao,  but  it  was 
not  able  to  maintain  its  exclusive  rights.  Several 
of  these  colonies  in  South  America  had  been  settled 
before  the  West  India  Company  was  founded,  and 
when,  by  right  of  its  original  grant,  the  company 
claimed  all  of  these  settlements,  the  old  owners 
had  objected  so  strenuously  that  the  company  was 
obliged  to  compromise.  To  make  things  more 
complicated,  these  colonies  were  captured  by  the 
French  and  the  English,  and  were  recaptured  by 
the  Dutch  several  times. 

The  final  settlement  of  the  difficulty  was  typical 


74    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  the  methods  of  the  RepubHc  with  her  eternal 
committees  and  sub-committees  and  her  general 
patchwork.  The  colony  of  Sm^inam,  after  years  of 
quarreling  between  the  company  and  the  Estates 
of  Zeeland,  which  claimed  that  they  were  the  orig- 
inal possessors  thereof  and  had  previous  rights,  was 
sold  by  the  Estates  of  Zeeland  to  the  West  India 
Company.  The  amount  to  be  paid  was  260,000 
guilders.  The  company,  however,  could  not  obtain 
such  a  large  amount  of  cash,  and  sold  one  third  of 
its  new  purchase  to  Amsterdam  and  one  third  to 
an  Amsterdam  merchant,  Cornelis  Aerssen. 

Aerssen  sailed  across  the  ocean  and  settled  down 
in  his  new  domains,  but  after  five  years'  residence, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1688,  he  was  murdered  by  his 
own  soldiers.  His  possessions  were  inherited  by 
his  family,  who  sold  out  to  Amsterdam  for  700,000 
guilders  (original  cost  70,000),  and,  therefore,  dur- 
ing the  last  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  Amster- 
dam owned  and  immediately  controlled  two  thirds 
of  this  valuable  colony.  It  contained  some  four 
hundred  plantations,  on  which  more  than  thirty 
thousand  slaves  were  kept  busy,  and  it  exported 
millions  of  guilders  worth  of  cocoa,  coffee,  sugar, 
and  cotton,  and  remained  a  steady  source  of  income 
to  the  carrying  trade. 

Essequibo  had  very  much  the  same  sort  of  history. 
Here,  too,  the  Estates  of  Zeeland  claimed  previous 
right.  Finally  the  Estates  of  Zeeland  oflBcially  re- 
cognized the  supreme  authority  of  the  company, 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  75 

but  the  company  allowed  the  colony  to  remain 
under  the  direct  control  of  the  Estates  of  Zeeland. 

Berbice  had  been  directly  settled  by  a  single  firm 
of  Flushing  merchants.  They  remained  in  control 
of  their  possession,  but  finally  they  agreed  to  pay 
the  company  five  hundred  and  seventy-five  guilders 
on  each  ship  which  was  used  in  the  trade. 

The  smaller  islands  in  the  Caribbean  Sea,  through 
lack  of  water  and  of  soil,  produced  nothing,  but 
they  were  extremely  valuable  as  storehouses  and 
bases  of  operations  for  Dutch  smugglers.  As  such 
they  were  used  by  all  Dutch  merchants,  and  the 
monopoly  of  the  company  could  not  be  maintained 
here  either,  for  the  company  as  an  oflBcial  body 
could  not  very  well  indulge  in  an  illicit  trade  of  this 
sort.  Whenever  complaints  reached  the  Estates 
General,  they  preferred  to  be  able  to  answer  that 
the  trade  on  these  islands,  being  practically  free 
and  open  to  all  comers,  it  was  extremely  difficult 
for  them  to  stop  the  smuggling. 

Only  one  real  monopoly  remained  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  company  during  the  eighteenth  century. 
This  was  that  of  the  slave  trade,  and  it  enabled  the 
directors  to  pay  from  three  to  four  per  cent  divi- 
dend on  the  invested  capital.  Otherwise  during  the 
eighteenth  century  the  company  had  an  uneventful 
existence,  while  private  initiative  opened  up  her 
territory  and  made  large  profits. 

Right  here  it  may  be  well  to  point  out  the  loss 
which  several  parts  of  the  country  suffered  through 


76   FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  slow  but  gradual  decline  in  all  these  branches 
of  commerce,  fisheries,  and  the  carrying  trade. 
Some  parts  of  Holland,  especially  the  region  along 
the  Zaan,  a  short  waterway  connecting  Amsterdam 
with  the  centre  of  the  province  of  North  Holland, 
depended  for  their  very  existence  upon  shipbuild- 
ing. In  these  parts  the  ships  were  built  and  the  art- 
icles necessary  for  their  equipment  were  manufac- 
tured. And  it  was  here  that  the  imported  goods 
were  prepared  for  exportation  to  foreign  parts. 

Since  in  1596  the  first  planing-mill  had  been 
built,  the  power  of  the  wind,  always  present  in  this 
low  and  flat  part  of  the  country,  was  used  for  all 
sorts  of  industrial  enterprises.  Wood  from  Scandi- 
navia and  the  Black  Forest  was  here  sawed  and 
planed  and  changed  into  small  but  fast  ships.  Rope- 
walks,  tar-sheds,  sail-yards,  net-factories,  carpen- 
ter-shops turned  out  the  many  different  articles 
necessary  for  the  merchantmen  and  the  fishing- 
boats.  And  after  the  different  ships  returned  to  the 
Fatherland,  the  herring  had  to  be  salted,  and  the 
blubber  had  to  be  boiled,  and  the  rice  had  to  be 
peeled,  and  all  this  was  done  right  here  where  an 
abundance  of  canals  made  transportation  cheap 
and  easy. 

But  when  the  fisheries  began  to  lose  their  import- 
ance, and  the  trading  companies  began  to  use  fewer 
ships  and  rarely  built  new  ones,  all  these  smaller  in- 
dustries connected  with  shipbuilding  began  to  suffer, 
and  the  once  prosperous  region  grew  quiet.  Not 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  77 

that  it  ever  suffered  actual  poverty.  But  those  who 
saw  that  the  profits  steadily  diminished  preferred 
to  go  out  of  a  losing  business;  they  reinvested  their 
savings,  and  on  the  place  where  once  their  busy  fac- 
tory had  stood,  they  now  built  a  comfortable  house 
and  spent  their  days  in  agreeable  quiet  rather  than 
in  active  work. 

It  took  Gibbon  thousands  of  pages  to  describe 
approximately  the  decline  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
The  Dutch  Republic  was  much  smaller,  but  its  de- 
cline was  such  a  complicated  matter  that  we  cannot 
hope  to  do  it  justice  within  these  few  pages.  We 
can  only  hope  to  make  clear  to  our  readers  that 
there  was  a  very  gradual  and  very  slow  diminishing 
of  prosperity,  caused  partly  by  changing  economic 
circumstances,  but  most  of  all  by  a  change  in  the 
character  of  the  people.  We  must  keep  in  mind 
that  this  sort  of  thing  never  happens  suddenly.  It 
was  a  very  slow  process  which  during  many  decades 
can  be  hardly  noticed  at  all.  Only  in  one  particu- 
lar case  can  we  see  a  sudden  and  abrupt  change. 
Unfortunately  this  abrupt  decline  occurred  where  it 
did  most  harm,  and  where  it  caused  the  greatest 
damage  to  the  Republic's  prestige  as  one  of  the 
leading  nations  of  Europe.  We  mean  the  utter  neg- 
lect of  the  fleet  after  the  year  1715.^^ 

During  the  last  years  of  the  seventeenth  century 
the  Republic  had  maintained  a  fleet  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  ships,  ninety  of  which  were  ships  of  the 
line.  Fifty  years  later,  there  were  less  than  fifty 


78    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

ships  and  only  a  dozen  of  those  were  of  any  value. 
In  1696,  the  Republic  had  eight  ships  of  the  then 
Dreadnought  class  of  more  than  ninety  guns.  In 
1741,  it  possessed  only  one  of  this  type;  this  was 
forty -two  years  old  and  perfectly  useless.  Thirty 
years  later,  when  the  size  of  the  ships  had  again 
greatly  increased,  and  when  England  and  France 
had  each  two,  and  Spain  one  ship  of  more  than  one 
hundred  guns  and  more  than  nine  hundred  men 
equipage,  and  had  several  ships  of  more  than  eighty 
guns,  the  Republic  possessed  four  ships  of  seventy 
cannon,  some  of  which  were  nearly  a  century  old 
and  had  no  fighting  value  at  all.  Without  adequate 
means  of  defending  herself  on  the  ocean,  the  Re- 
public was  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  all  of  her  com- 
mercial rivals,  and  was  bound  to  lose  ground  even 
if  her  merchants  had  been  of  superlative  ability. 

What  had  caused  this  sudden  change  in  policy? 
There  were  several  reasons.  Again  it  was  a  ques- 
tion not  only  of  money  but  also  of  men.  Both  de 
Witt  and  William  III  had  been  immensely  inter- 
ested in  maintaining  a  strong  fleet.  De  Witt  by 
the  powers  which  he  had  usurped,  William  by  the 
powers  with  which  he  had  been  duly  invested,  had 
forced  the  admiralties  to  build  ships  and  had  forced 
the  provinces  to  pay  for  the  building.  The  country 
provinces  paid  their  share  under  protest,  but  they 
did  pay.  But  no  sooner  was  William  dead  than  in- 
ternal political  anarchy  returned,  and  the  provinces 
quietly  refused  to  produce  the  funds  necessary  for 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  79 

the  maintenance  and  increase  of  the  fleet.  As  we 
have  tried  to  show  before,  the  Estates  General  were 
no  parhament  where  the  desirabihty  of  a  strong 
fleet  could  be  debated  and  where  the  majority 
could  enforce  its  opinion  upon  the  whole  country. 
As  long  as  there  was  no  man  in  Holland  strong 
enough  to  bully  the  other  provinces  into  obedience, 
each  province  stuck  closely  to  its  own  particular  in- 
terests and  refused  to  contribute  a  penny  to  matters 
of  general  interest. 

It  was  the  same  with  the  admiralties.  The  five 
admiralties  of  the  Republic  were  operated  inde- 
pendently of  each  other.  When  there  was  a  stad- 
holder  he  was  their  common  chairman.  As  such,  he 
could  lay  down  a  general  policy  and  enforce  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  cooperation  between  the  different 
parts.  The  moment  this  general  chairman  disap- 
peared, each  admiralty  refused  to  act  beyond  its 
own  limits.  The  old  disorder  returned  and  the  fleet 
suffered  accordingly. 

The  long  wars  during  the  last  years  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  had  caused  vast  expenditures.  Be- 
fore the  war  was  definitely  over,  William  had  died 
and  the  supply  of  funds  from  the  provinces  had 
stopped  abruptly.  As  a  result  the  admiralties  faced 
immediate  bankruptcy.  ^^  A  certain  amount  of  the 
duties  on  imports  and  exports  which  was  put  aside 
for  their  maintenance  did  not  suflSce  to  keep  them 
solvent.  When  between  1706  and  1711  the  country 
provinces  did  not  pay  a  single  penny  for  the  fleet. 


80    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  whole  burden  of  maintaining  it  fell  upon  Hol- 
land and  Zeeland.  These  two  provinces,  however, 
could  not  alone  continue  to  produce  the  necessary 
funds.  As  the  war  was  still  going  on  and  as  the 
ships  had  to  be  kept  on  the  high  seas,  the  admiral- 
ties were  allowed  to  borrow  money,  which  some 
patriots  were  willing  to  let  them  have  for  the  con- 
sideration of  nine  per  cent.  But  even  after  large 
sums  had  been  borrowed,  the  three  admiralties  of 
Holland  alone,  at  the  close  of  the  War  of  the  Span- 
ish Succession,  were  in  debt  to  the  amount  of  ten 
million  guilders.  No  sooner  was  the  war  over  than 
even  Holland  and  Zeeland  lost  their  interest  in  the 
fleet.  The  oflficers  and  men  were  dismissed  and 
went  into  civil  life  or  emigrated  to  other  countries 
and  took  service  in  some  solvent  foreign  navy.  All 
sorts  of  scandals  occurred  when  oflBcers,  unable  to 
pay  their  debts,  were  put  in  prison. 

Holland,  and  especially  the  town  of  Amsterdam, 
managed  to  keep  their  admiralties  out  of  actual 
bankruptcy,  but  that  was  all  they  could  do.  From 
1713  to  1770,  for  a  period  of  fifty-seven  years, 
the  other  six  provinces  did  not  pay  a  cent  towards 
maintaining  the  fleet. 

Here  are  a  few  examples  of  what  happened  dur- 
ing the  eighteenth  century.  In  1721,  the  admiralty 
of  North  Holland  possessed  just  three  ships,  two  of 
which  were  twenty  and  thirty  years  old  respectively. 
Between  1713  and  1746,  the  admiralty  of  Friesland 
built  one  small  ship.  The  admiralty  of  Rotterdam, 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  81 

between  1713  and  1725,  built  nothing  at  all  and 
neglected  her  old  ships.  Zeeland  [during  forty-six 
years,  between  1700  and  1746,  built  four  small 
ships  without  any  fighting  value.  Amsterdam  alone, 
supported  by  the  Estates  of  Holland,  maintained 
half  a  dozen  ships  which  could  be  used  to  protect 
her  merchantmen  from  African  pirates,  but  which 
would  not  have  counted  in  time  of  war.  Whatever 
ships  remained  from  former  days  were  allowed  to 
lie  in  the  harbor  and  gradually  rot  away.  The  naval 
career,  once  sought  after  eagerly,  fell  into  contempt. 
There  was  no  chance  of  promotion.  There  was  not 
even  a  certainty  of  regular  pay. 

Finally  the  condition  of  the  fleet  grew  so  bad 
that  the  Republic,  once  the  principal  seafaring  na- 
tion, had  to  open  its  naval  service  to  foreigners  in 
order  to  get  enough  officers.  Time  and  again  the 
weakness  of  the  Dutch  fleet  was  brought  home  in  a 
most  humiliating  manner.  The  Dutch  merchant- 
men in  the  Atlantic  and  the  Dutch  fishing-boats  in 
the  North  Sea  were  exposed  to  search  and  capture 
by  anybody  that  would  take  the  trouble  to  stop 
them.  England,  which  had  always  maintained  her 
right  to  search  ships  for  contraband  of  war,  held 
up  Dutch  ships  continually,  whether  there  was  a 
war  or  whether  there  was  peace.  The  pirates  of  the 
Algerian  coast  had  to  be  bribed  to  leave  the  Dutch 
ships  alone.  In  the  West  Indies  pirates  took  away 
millions  of  guilders'  worth  of  Dutch  goods. 
"   The  merchants  and  the  traders  complained,  com- 


82    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

plained  often  and  complained  loudly.  Sometimes 
they  sent  petitions  to  the  Estates  General  and  later, 
when  there  was  again  a  stadholder,  they  sent  peti- 
tions to  the  Stadholder.  Invariably  the  answer  was 
that  the  matter  would  be  taken  under  considera- 
tion. The  time  necessary  for  such  "consideration  '* 
often  lasted  as  long  as  five  whole  years,  and  even 
then  the  answer  was  evasive.  At  no  time  during 
the  entire  century  was  a  serious  attempt  made  to 
reform  the  fleet  and  make  it  efficient.  Unwilling  to 
assert  her  good  right  by  the  strength  of  her  army 
and  her  fleet,  the  Republic  had  no  just  cause  to 
complain  that  rival  nations  had  destroyed  her  pro- 
sperity. As  a  matter  of  fact  she  committed  suicide. 
This  picture,  however,  which,  with  the  help  of 
statistics  and  year-books,  we  are  now  able  to  draw, 
was  in  no  way  so  clear  to  our  ancestors  themselves. 
Indeed,  to  those  who  enjoyed  the  leisurely  life  of 
the  well-to-do  rentier,  and  who  felt  that  he  lived 
in  a  country  enjoying  superlative  benefits  (the  re- 
wards which  Heaven  bestowed  upon  so  much  civic 
virtue),  it  seemed  as  if  the  golden  age  had  at  last 
arrived  and  that  no  improvement  could  be  made. 
What  did  it  matter  that  a  few  discontented  mer- 
chants were  getting  up  petitions  about  this  and 
about  that,  and  were  asking  for  a  protective  system 
(a  protective  system  in  the  very  stronghold  of  free 
trade!),  and  that  rather  strenuous  and  very  doubt- 
ful methods  had  to  be  used  to  keep  the  East  India 
Company  going?  Merchants  had  always  been  com- 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  83 

plaining  even  during  good  times,  and  the  East 
India  Company  had  never  been  a  model  of  com- 
mercial honesty. 

At  least,  during  the  first  seventy  years  of  the 
century  the  people  at  large  worried  no  more  about 
those  increasing  signs  of  decline,  than  people  in 
America  worry  because  there  are  twelve  thousand 
failures  a  year  and  because  part  of  the  country  is 
declaring  most  solemnly  that  without  further  pro- 
tection it  is  doomed  to  immediate  and  utter  failure. 
The  Hollander  of  the  eighteenth  century  took  what- 
ever was  offered  him  with  a  grateful  heart,  and 
worried  not  about  the  day  after  to-morrow  when 
the  day  itself  provided  him  with  so  much  comfort.*® 

For  let  it  be  known  that  the  Republic  was  essen- 
tially a  "comfortable"  place  to  live  in.  Since  1672 
no  foreign  enemy  had  threatened  its  territory  or 
had  occupied  any  part  thereof.  The  country  at 
large  was  safe.  There  was  no  danger  of  robbers 
or  brigands  anywhere.  The  picturesque  highway- 
men of  the  good  old  days  in  England  found  no 
equivalents  in  the  Low  Countries.  The  country 
was  densely  populated,  and  the  road  to  the  gallows, 
imder  the  strict  rule  of  the  Regents,  was  a  very 
short  one.  The  class  of  beggars  and  the  dilap- 
idated stragglers  leftover  from  the  war  with  Spain, 
which  had  once  served  as  models  to  Rembrandt 
and  to  many  of  his  fellow  painters  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  had  entirely  disappeared.  The 
habit  of  carrying  arms  was  given  up  as  useless  and 


84    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

a  little  ridiculous.  This  general  safety  allowed  an 
excellent  system  of  communication  between  the 
different  parts  of  the  country.  The  foreigner  who 
made  his  "voyage  de  HoUande"  never  omitted  to 
wonder  at  the  ease  and  comfort  of  traveling  in  the 
RepubUc.  The  country  roads  in  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces, except  the  chief  ones  leading  to  Hamburg, 
Cologne,  and  Brussels,  were  little  better  than  those 
elsewhere  in  Europe.  In  Holland  and  Zeeland  and 
Friesland,  however,  with  their  intricate  system  of 
canals  and  their  dozens  of  commercial  cities  which 
demanded  rapid  ways  of  communication,  there  had 
developed  a  system  of  canal  boats  which  never 
failed  to  elicit  the  admiration  of  the  distinguished 
foreigner  who  honored  the  country  with  his  pre- 
sence. Indeed,  the  comfortable  and  regularly  run- 
ning canal  boat  never  failed  to  inspire  him  with  that 
enthusiasm  which  we  now  feel  at  our  first  glimpse 
of  the  American  Limited  Express.  Perhaps  it  was 
the  regularity  which  struck  them  as  most  admir- 
able. Except  in  the  case  of  ice  the  canal  boat  ran 
as  regularly  as  a  train.  It  did  not  depend  upon 
the  weather  or  upon  the  wind  or  the  condition  of  the 
roads.  In  storms  or  rain  a  patient  horse  pulled  the 
boat  as  steadily  as  in  the  most  beautiful  weather. 
Those  who  wish  for  particulars  I  would  refer  to  the 
guide-books  of  the  day,  which  give  time-tables  and 
prices  of  tickets,  and  compare  the  advantages  of 
the  different  companies. 

Just  as  an  example  of  how  well  the  service  was 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  85 

arranged,  we  may  mention  that,  whereas  in  our 
own  day  there  are  twenty -four  trains  daily  between 
Delft  and  Rotterdam,  there  were  then  sixteen 
boats.  Of  course,  the  train  now  does  the  distance  in 
twenty  minutes  and  the  boats  took  five  hours.  But 
this  was  of  no  great  importance  in  a  period  which 
knew  not  of  our  hurry,  when  men  cared  more  for  a 
comfortable  pipe  in  the  cabin  of  the  canal  boat  and 
a  leisurely  talk  about  the  affairs  of  the  world  than 
about  a  street-car  strap  and  the  latest  headlines. 

The  customary  mediaeval  annoyances  of  travel, 
which  often  forced  people  to  take  a  most  circuitous 
route  because,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  so-and-so- 
much,  some  little  city  had  managed  to  obtain 
such-and-such  a  little  privilege,  had  been  quite  as 
apparent  in  the  Republic  as  elsewhere.  But  before 
the  pressure  of  the  needs  of  business  these  annoy- 
ances had  gradually  disappeared  and  the  twelfth 
century  was  no  longer  allowed  to  hold  up  the  eight- 
eenth. By  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
taking  the  Hague,  the  seat  of  government,  as  the 
centre,  we  find  the  following  schedules:  to  Amster- 
dam, ten  hours;  Haarlem,  eight  hours;  Leiden,  two 
and  a  half;  Delft,  one;  and  Rotterdam,  six — which 
goes  to  show  that  the  eternal  delay  in  the  transac- 
tion of  all  political  matters  in  the  Republic  was  cer- 
tainly not  due  to  the  long  distances.  Indeed,  what- 
ever happened  in  the  capital  of  the  country  could 
be  known  the  very  same  day  in  the  most  prominent 
cities,  and  within  three  days  it  could  be  known 


86    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

even  in  the  remote  parts  of  the  country;  for  there 
was  an  excellent  communication  between  Hol- 
land and  the  northern  provinces  through  a  regular 
service  of  boats  plying  between  Amsterdam  and 
Lemmer,  a  village  in  Friesland.  The  distance  was 
covered  in  ten  hours,  and  the  boats  connected 
directly  with  the  canal  boats  for  Leeuwarden  and 
the  north. 

As  for  the  eastern  provinces,  Germany,  and  the 
east  of  Europe,  they  were  reached  by  way  of 
Utrecht.  This  city,  eight  hours'  distance  from 
Amsterdam,  was  then,  as  now,  the  centre  of  the 
road  system  of  the  country.  It  was  a  sort  of  clear- 
ing-house for  all  the  news  which  went  from  the  east 
of  Europe  to  Holland,  and  as  such  it  was  the  Re- 
public's best-posted  city  on  all  domestic  and  foreign 
news.  The  states  to  the  south,  in  particular  Bel- 
gium and  France,  were  reached  by  way  of  Antwerp, 
with  which  city  Rotterdam  maintained  direct  con- 
nections —  first  by  water  as  far  as  the  Moerdyk 
and  then  by  diligence  through  the  province  of 
Brabant. 

The  connection  with  England  was  made  by  way 
of  Hellevoetsluis,  a  port  on  the  island  of  Voorne  in 
the  southern  part  of  Holland.  From  Rotterdam 
this  city  was  reached  by  water  in  eight  hours.  The 
packets  for  England  sailed  three  times  a  week,  and 
reached  England  within  a  day. 

The  connections  with  India  depended  upon  the 
merchants  that  happened  to  be  sent  out.  During  the 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  87 

last  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  a  number  of 
small  but  fast  ships  were  built  which  were  intended 
to  make  the  trip  between  Holland  and  Batavia 
in  ten  months,  but  before  the  service  could  be  well 
regulated,  the  East  India  Company  failed. 

As  to  America,  the  West  India  Company's  ships 
took  whatever  passengers  there  were  for  the  South 
American  colonies.  Those  who  had  business  with 
North  America,  and  they  were  very  few,  had  to 
travel  by  way  of  England.  Plans  of  a  regular  serv- 
ice between  Amsterdam  and  Boston  were  consid- 
ered, but  never  went  further  than  the  preliminaries. 

All  in  all,  while  from  our  point  of  view  there  was 
room  for  improvement,  the  system  of  transporta- 
tion, especially  when  compared  with  that  in  other 
countries,  was  far  ahead  of  its  time,  and  allowed  a 
quick  and  safe  intercourse  between  the  different 
parts  of  the  country  and  those  parts  of  the  world 
with  which  one  was  likely  to  do  business. 

In  connection  with  the  system  of  transportation 
the  postal  system  of  the  Republic  had  been  able  to 
develop  early.  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  this 
postal  system  was  not  under  direct  control  of  the 
Estates  General. ^^  Usually  it  was  maintained  by 
the  cities  themselves,  which  gave  the  privilege  of 
carrying  their  mail  to  some  person  or  some  com- 
pany. Each  company  worked  as  much  for  its  own 
interest  as  an  American  private  telephone  or  ex- 
press company.  But  while  the  final  end  was  a  self- 
ish one,  and  every  postal  company  was  only  trying 


88    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

to  make  as  much  profit  out  of  the  system  as  it  pos- 
sibly could,  the  indirect  result  was  a  great  benefit  to 
the  people  in  general.  Private  initiative  and  com- 
petitive companies  may  not  be  ideal  institutions; 
still  they  often  perform  a  service  which  but  for  them 
would  not  be  performed  at  all. 

The  system,  like  everything  else,  had  reached  its 
greatest  development  in  Holland  and  Zeeland, 
where  the  commercial  cities  had  instituted  a  mes- 
senger service  as  early  as  the  fifteenth  century. 
The  great  difficulty  in  estabUshing  such  a  system 
was  the  opposition  which  came  from  small  cities 
and  villages,  situated  on  the  route  between  the 
large  towns,  each  of  which  tried  to  get  some  "  rake- 
off  "  by  holding  up  the  large  postal  company  that 
wanted  to  cross  its  territory. 

During  the  seventeenth  century,  however,  this 
disorganized  system,  in  which  each  party  looked 
after  its  own  interests  and  tried  to  ruin  its  neighbor, 
was  found  to  be  detrimental  to  good  service  and 
gradually  the  public  began  to  demand  reforms. 
But  reforms  were  slow  to  come.  The  city  govern- 
ments usually  drew  too  much  profit  out  of  the  sys- 
tem, such  as  it  was,  to  favor  a  change.  Above  all, 
the  city  governments  discouraged  the  introduction 
of  a  governmental  postal  system.  It  was  only  after 
the  uprising  of  1748  that  the  new  Stadholder  was 
made  Postmaster-General,  and  that  it  was  de- 
cided that  the  revenue  from  the  postal  system 
should  go  into  the  provincial  treasury  and  not  into 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  89 

the  pockets  of  the  Regents,  who  until  then  had 
given  away  the  privilege  to  their  political  friends. 

It  is  impossible  here  to  give  a  list  of  the  hundreds 
of  different  postal  routes,  or  the  combinations  of 
routes,  which  came  into  usage  during  the  eight- 
eenth century.  We  merely  wish  to  draw  attention 
to  the  fact  that  each  person  who  was  not  directly 
poor  could  avail  himself  of  a  system  which  would 
bring  his  letters  to  any  place  within  the  Republic 
in  less  than  five  days  and  between  the  large  cities 
in  less  than  a  single  day,  at  the  cost  of  approximately 
fourpence,  and  which  would  deliver  his  mail  in  Ham- 
burg, Paris,  or  London  within  a  week  and  for  only 
twelvepence. 

In  Alfen,  a  little  village  in  the  heart  of  Holland, 
where  five  of  the  principal  postal  routes  came  to- 
gether, a  sort  of  clearing-house  was  established, 
and  here  the  letters  from  abroad  and  from  the 
home  cities  were  collected  and  sorted.  Amsterdam, 
with  its  great  interest  in  the  northern  trade,  had 
had  regular  communication  with  Hamburg  and  the 
Swedish  and  Baltic  cities  as  early  as  1606.  The  Eng- 
Hsh  mail,  during  the  eighteenth  century,  went  twice 
a  week  by  way  of  Briel  and  Hellevoetsluis,  and  was 
constantly  being  improved  upon,  the  demand  for 
speed  causing  many  new  shorter  routes  to  be  taken. 

The  French  mail  was  a  matter  of  constant  dif- 
ficulty because  it  had  to  cross  Belgium,  which  as 
part  of  Austria  was  then  reserved  for  the  Imperial 
Mail-Carriers,  the  Princes  of  Taxis.    Their  High- 


90    FALL  OF.  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLip 

nesses  were  forever  in  trouble  with  the  Republic 
about  the  amount  which  they  thought  they  were 
entitled  to  for  allowing  the  Dutch  mail  to  be  car- 
ried over  their  exclusive  territory,  —  a  quarrel 
which  was  never  definitely  settled,  but  was  allowed 
to  drag  on  while  temporary  compromises  were 
being  made.  The  mail  service  for  France  and  Spain 
and  Italy,  however,  did  not  suffer  under  these  dis- 
putes, but  was  so  regularly  maintained  that  during 
the  eighteenth  century  a  great  many  Dutch  mer- 
chants kept  their  ships  continually  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean, where  they  did  carrying  service  l^etween 
the  different  southern  ports  and  sent  their  instruc- 
tions to  their  captains  entirely  by  mail. 

Having  said  so  much  about  commercial  affairs, 
it  may  be  well  to  point  out  that  the  Republic  had 
a  monetary  and  banking  system,  which,  however 
defective  from  our  point  of  view,  greatly  facilitated 
business.  It  was  not  a  uniform  system  for  the 
entire  Republic,  nor  was  it  under  the  immediate 
control  of  the  Estates  General.  Provincial  feeling 
was  much  too  strong  to  allow  of  such  a  thing.  But 
it  was  an  improvement  on  the  mediaeval  system 
which  in  many  countries  has  survived  almost  to  our 
own  days,  and  which  causes  continual  annoyance 
and  loss  to  all  those  who  have  to  deal  with  it,  except 
the  money-changers.  Out  of  the  different  local 
systems  of  coinage,  there  developed,  during  the 
seventeenth  century,  a  common  standard  coin,  the 
guilder.  As  this  was  too  small  an  amount  for  larger 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  91 

transactions,  the  business  world  used  to  count  in 
ryksdaalders,  which  had  the  value  of  two  and  a  half 
guilders  and  which  were  equal  to  our  present-day 
dollar.22 

During  the  time  when  there  was  no  stadholder, 
and  each  province  was  steadily  trying  to  free  itself 
from  the  control  of  the  Estates  General,  the  mon- 
etary system  again  became  disorganized  to  such 
an  extent  that  between  1681  and  1694  thorough 
reforms  were  found  to  be  necessary.  Holland, 
which  had  the  greatest  interest  in  this  matter,  was 
the  leader,  and  proposed  as  a  new  standard  coin  the 
three-guilder  piece,  which  was  to  be  maintained 
at  a  certain  nominal  value  and  was  to  be  divided 
into  two  and  a  half,  two,  one,  and  half  guilder 
pieces,  and  several  smaller  coins  for  circulation  cur- 
rency. Two  gold  coins  to  the  value  of  fourteen  and 
seven  guilders  were  also  established.  Though  some 
of  the  old  coins  remained  in  circulation,  and  the 
provincial  mints,  as  usual,  tried  to  make  an  extra 
profit  out  of  small  irregularities  with  the  lesser 
grades  of  currency,  the  value  of  the  standard  coins 
and  of  the  gold  coins  was  rigorously  maintained, and 
trading  between  the  different  provinces  became 
easier  and  offered  practically  no  risk. 

As  to  the  banking  system,  the  credit  for  the  first 
initiative  in  this  direction  goes  to  Amsterdam, 
which  established  a  city  bank  as  early  as  1609.^' 
This  bank  did  a  general  banking  business  and,  most 
important  of  all,  it  paid  only  in  good  coin.   The 


92    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

town  government  itself  guaranteed  the  deposits  in 
her  bank,  and  these,  as  long  as  they  remained  within 
the  bank,  could  not  be  attached  for  any  purpose. 
The  bank's  reserve  in  currency  of  the  different 
countries  was  so  large  that  there  never  was  any 
danger  of  suspension  of  payment.  This  made  it  an 
institution  of  the  greatest  value  during  the  many 
crises  which  occurred  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
This  bank  not  only  became  an  important  factor 
in  the  business  world  of  the  Republic  but  of  all 
Europe.  The  credit  which  it  was  willing  to  give,  as 
well  as  its  bills  of  exchange,  which  were  honored 
everywhere,  greatly  facilitated  foreign  commerce. 

When,  in  1616,  Dordrecht  and  Middelburg,  and, 
in  1635,  Rotterdam  established  similar  institu- 
tions, Holland  became  the  centre  of  the  European 
exchange  business,  a  position  which  it  maintained 
until  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
when  the  banks  of  Hamburg  and  of  England, 
established  along  the  same  lines,  seriously  began  to 
compete  with  those  of  the  Republic. 

Having  in  the  previous  pages  tried  to  describe 
the  material  background  of  our  history,  we  now 
must  consider  the  people  who  lived  under  those  con- 
ditions and  who  profited  by  the  many  commercial 
advantages  which  they  owed  to  their  fathers,  and 
which  filled  their  purses  without  any  great  exertions 
on  their  own  part. 

During  the  eighteenth  century  there  were  about 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  93 

1,700,000  inhabitants  within  the  confines  of  the 
Repubhc.  While  theoretically  they  were  all  born 
free  and  equal  before  the  law,  and  while  there 
existed  no  recognized  privileged  class,  the  people 
were  nominally  divided  into  three  parts.  At  the 
top  we  have  the  class  of  the  Regents,  at  the  bottom 
that  of  the  common  people.  Between  these  two  ill- 
defined  classes  was  a  large  class  of  well-to-do,  well- 
educated  famihes,  who  enjoyed  all  the  privileges  of 
wealth,  but  who  were  excluded  from  participation 
in  the  government  on  account  of  not  being  of  a 
Regent  family. 

The  Regents  were  all  of  the  same  stock.  Some  of 
them  were  richer  than  others,  but  that  did  not  mean 
a  difference  in  social  standing.  Just  as  in  our  own 
days  the  poorest  little  German  princeling  is  the 
equal  of  his  very  rich  neighbor,  so  the  Mayor  of 
Amsterdam  was  in  no  way  superior  to  his  poor  col- 
league in  some  small  provincial  nest.  The  other 
two  classes,  however,  were  again  divided  and  sub- 
divided into  numberless  layers,  each  of  which  was 
felt  to  exist  as  clearly  as  if  it  had  been  instituted 
by  Divine  Providence  itself,  and  the  inhabitants  of 
which  were  kept  in  their  proper  places  by  their 
neighbors  above  and  their  neighbors  below. 

Brilliancy  in  science  or  art  was  not  recognized. 
The  Regents  had  as  much  use  for  a  painter  as  they 
had  for  a  shoemaker.  One  made  shoes  and  the  other 
made  pictures.  As  for  the  people  from  among 
whom  all  these  many  painters,  scientists,  and  in- 


94    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

ventors  sprang,  men  who  are  now  the  pride  of  their 
country,  they  too  seem  to  have  beUeved  that  ex- 
ceptional abihty  in  such  matters  was  all  very  well 
in  its  own  way,  but  that  it  did  not  entitle  the 
owner  thereof  to  step  out  of  the  class  in  which  it  had 
pleased  Almighty  Heaven  to  place  him  and  to  con- 
sider himself  superior  to' his  humble  fellow  citizens. 
The  result  was  that  anybody  with  a  particular  gift 
for  anything  not  pertaining  to  the  making  of  money 
was  forced  to  live  a  sort  of  bohemian  existence 
apart  from  his  fellow  citizens  or  to  suffer  under 
their  daily  neglect.  The  bankruptcy  of  a  number 
of  painters,  the  poor  circumstances  of  a  number  of 
literary  men,  and  the  complete  neglect  of  a  number 
of  scientific  men  of  international  repute  will  bear 
this  statement  out. 

The  Republic,  in  its  daily  life  and  its  mode  of 
thinking  and  feeling,  was  essentially  a  commercial 
commonwealth,  where  the  almighty  ryksdaalder 
was  the  standard  of  success,  and  where  "good" 
meant  an  ability  to  pay  one's  debts  and  "bad" 
meant  an  inability  to  do  so.  That  such  a  wonderful 
school  of  art  could  develop  even  under  these  dis- 
couraging circumstances,  and  that  the  Republic 
during  the  two  centuries  of  its  existence  could  in 
such  vast  measure  contribute  to  the  general  sum  of 
human  knowledge,  only  goes  to  show  how  in- 
tensely the  men  who  devoted  their  lives  to  these 
unprofitable  branches  of  art  and  learning  were 
interested  in  their  subject. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  95 

These  good  people  with  a  scientific  or  an  artistic 
bent  were  always  in  the  vast  minority,  and  their 
suffering  did  not  disturb  the  community  at  large 
any  more  than  the  forlorn  position  of  many  of  their 
scholars  and  scientists  agitates  the  American  public. 
The  large  majority  of  men,  worshiping  things  as 
they  found  them,  practical  men  not  given  over 
to  sentimentalizing,  lived  contentedly  enough,  and 
pitied  these  neighboring  communities  where  a  man 
was  considered  a  fine  gentleman  merely  because  he 
could  smear  paint  on  a  piece  of  linen  better  than 
anybody  else  or  because  he  invented  an  instru- 
ment which  had  no  other  use  than  to  magnify  drops 
of  water. 

In  the  matter  of  religion  the  Regents  had,  of 
course,  to  be  very  conservative.  They  all  be- 
longed to  the  official  Dutch  Reformed  Church.  The 
two  other  classes,  however,  were  divided  by  many 
and  varied  religious  creeds.  Though  the  victory  of 
the  Republic  over  Spain  had  been  one  of  Protest- 
antism over  Catholicism,  there  had  always  been 
a  large  number  of  people  who  had  remained  faith- 
ful to  the  old  creed.  On  the  whole,  they  were  left  in 
peace.  They  belonged  to  the  poorer  classes,  and  as 
long  as  they  showed  that  they  had  no  intention  of 
carrying  their  reUgion  into  politics,  and  that  they 
were  perfectly  harmless  people,  they  were  allowed 
to  worship  in  peace.  In  order  not  to  anger  their 
orthodox  Protestant  brethren  with  their  worship 
of  images  and  their  swinging  of  incense,  they  were 


96    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

obliged  to  meet  in  back  rooms  or  in  small  chapels, 
situated  away  from  the  public  streets.  But  then, 
if  they  were  wilhng  to  pay  a  little  something  to 
those  police  ojBScials  whose  duty  it  was  to  see  that 
the  true  religion  was  maintained,  they  could  count 
upon  being  left  undisturbed  in  the  exercise  of  their 
devotions. 

Socially  the  Catholics  and  the  Protestants  were 
not  on  very  intimate  terms.  The  Protestant  never 
got  over  a  certain  feeling  of  uneasiness  in  his  dealing 
with  Catholics;  visions  of  inquisitorial  doings  and 
Jesuitic  machinations  made  him  suspicious  of  his 
Catholic  neighbor  with  his  crucifixes  and  all  his 
incomprehensible  forms  of  worship.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Catholic  was  carefully  taught  by  his 
spiritual  adviser  that  the  new  Republic  was  after 
all  rather  a  monstrous  invention  which  had  robbed 
the  Holy  Church  of  all  its  goods  and  chattels,  and 
which  was  now  trying  to  entice  her  children  away 
from  their  old  blessed  faith.  It  is  true  that  the 
Catholics  never  showed  any  disloyalty  to  their 
common  Fatherland  and  that  the  Protestants 
never  tried  to  steal  their  children.  But  prejudices 
of  that  sort  are  long-Uved  and  exist  even  in  our 
day. 

From  olden  times,  when  Lutheranism  had  been 
common  in  the  Republic,  there  remained  a  few 
Lutherans;  But  most  of  these  had  later  gone  over 
to  Calvinism.  In  some  parts  of  the  country,  how- 
ever,  there  were  a   large   number   of  Baptists. 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  97 

Especially  along  the  Zaan,  that  highly  busy  and 
enterprising  part  of  North  Holland,  the  Baptists 
formed  a  majority  of  the  inhabitants.  Being  ex- 
cluded from  all  interest  in  the  government,  they 
had  directed  all  their  attention  towards  their  daily 
affairs,  and  being  very  frugal  and  industrious  they 
had  in  many  cases  accumulated  great  riches. 
Their  wealth  made  them  desirable  taxpayers,  and 
as  such  they  were  left  in  peace  by  the  government, 
were  allowed  to  build  their  churches  wherever  they 
wanted  to,  and  to  maintain  their  own  religious 
seminaries. 

Being  essentially  an  introspective  people,  the 
Hollanders  indulged  in  many  and  often  quite  re- 
markable forms  of  religious  beliefs.  During  the 
eighteenth  century,  however,  the  governing  classes 
had  grown  sufficiently  unorthodox  and  indifferent 
in  all  such  matters  not  to  bother  other  folk  merely 
because  they  had  singular  notions  about  the  best 
ways  and  means  through  which  salvation  could  be 
reached.  Provided  a  man  behaved  himself,  he  was 
welcome,  even  if  he  openly  disavowed  Christ  and 
went  to  the  synagogue  to  worship  an  older  divinity. 

Looking  back  at  the  conglomerate  mass  of  people 
in  this  small  country,  people  of  old  Dutch  stock,  of 
French  and  German  and  English  immigrant  de- 
scent, of  Semitic  birth  or  Javanese  blood  (for  the 
line  between  the  different  races  was  never  closely 
drawn  in  the  colonies),  one  is  rather  astonished 
that  the  thing  went  as  well  as  it  actually  did.  Most 


98    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  all,  perhaps,  it  will  strike  us,  that  for  at  least  a 
century  and  a  half  there  was  no  serious  opposition 
to  the  rule  of  the  Regents.  As  we  have  said  before, 
the  Regents  were  a  self-imposed  oligarchy,  and 
their  government  was  not  supported  by  an  armed 
force.  Why,  then,  did  the  people  upon  so  few  occa- 
sions rebel  and  throw  off  this  yoke?  Simply  be- 
cause they  did  not  feel  it  as  such.  In  dealing  with 
matters  of  the  past,  we  must  not  forget  to  make 
allowance  for  a  complete  change  in  the  point  of 
view.  The  average  man  of  the  eighteenth  century 
accepted  the  government,  in  which  he  had  no 
share,  quite  as  naturally  as  the  average  Christian 
accepts  the  rulings  of  Providence,  in  which  he  has 
no  share. 

Providence  was  there,  to  look  after  the  sun  and 
the  moon  and  the  earth  and  the  rain  and  the  stars; 
and  their  lordships,  the  Regents,  were  there,  to  see 
to  it  that  the  towns  were  well  governed  and  that 
hospitals  and  almshouses  and  pawnshops  and  or- 
phan asylums  were  built,  and  to  provide  a  thousand 
little  jobs  for  those  who  needed  them. 

A  certain  amoimt  of  good  common  sense  pre- 
vented the  Regents  from  ever  becoming  too  bureau- 
cratic or  pedantic  in  their  methods.  In  dealing  with 
the  people  they  usually  assumed  a  certain  dignified 
affability,  which  never  failed  to  impress  the  humble 
subject  so  addressed.  Although  taxes  were  high 
and  had  to  be  paid  with  exacting  promptness,  the 
I)eople  always  felt  that  they  received  fair  value  for 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT  99 

their  money,  and  not,  as  in  so  many  comitries,  that 
the  taxes  served  only  to  keep  a  few  courtiers  in  lux- 
uries. To  the  average  citizen,  the  town  of  his  birth 
was  his  world  from  the  day  that  the  oflBcial  city  dry- 
nurse  put  him  into  his  first  swaddling  clothes  to  the 
day  that  the  official  town  undertaker  buried  him  in 
the  local  church. 

Business  or  purposes  of  study  might  temporarily 
take  him  away  from  his  little  cosmos,  but  there  he 
belonged  and  there  he  hoped  to  return,  and  there  he 
knew  everybody  and  everybody  knew  him.  How 
these  people  loved  their  cities  we  understand  when 
we  see  the  numerous  pictures  and  prints  they  or- 
dered made  of  the  town  pump  and  the  official  fish- 
market  and  of  every  bit  of  scenery  connected  with 
the  blessed  spot  of  their  birth. 

And  if  we  visit  one  of  these  cities  and  think  away 
the  modern  improvements  with  their  addition  of 
bad  taste,  we  can  understand  how  our  ancestors  of 
a  hundred-odd  years  ago  could  come  to  have  such 
affection  for  their  home  city.  Architecture,  even  in 
the  worst  periods  of  baroque  and  rococo,  never  be- 
came wholly  bad.  The  general  picture  which  the 
town  offered,  with  its  handsome  houses  and  its 
canals  lined  with  stately  trees,  its  public  buildings 
expressing  the  civic  pride  of  the  citizens,  was  one 
which  could  never  fail  to  please  him  who  looked  at 
it  with  an  affection  born  of  the  conviction  that  all 
this  was  more  or  less  directly  his  own,  and  that 
he  had  had  a  share  in  its  construction  and  main- 


100    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

tenance.  The  streets  in  the  Dutch  cities  had  been 
paved  at  an  early  date.  It  was  all  very  well  in  other 
countries  for  fine  ladies  and  gentlemen  to  allow 
themselves  to  be  carried  through  the  mud  in  their 
own  most  particular  chaises,  but  in  a  Dutch  city 
the  first  and  foremost  consideration  was  to  haul 
goods  from  ships  to  warehouses,  and  for  this  purpose 
a  pavement  was  highly  necessary. 

At  night  the  streets  were  lighted.  The  light  of  a 
tallow  candle  or  an  oil  lamp  was  not  a  very  brilliant 
one,  but  it  was  sufficient  to  prevent  citizens  from 
falling  into  the  canal,  and  it  greatly  discouraged  the 
industry  of  the  sneak  thief  and  the  hold-up  man. 
By  increasing  the  public  safety  it  allowed  people  to 
make  neighborly  calls,  and  in  this  way  increased  the 
general  sociability.  Whether  by  natural  inclina- 
tion or  by  the  fear  which  the  Church  had  planted 
in  their  hearts,  in  case  they  should  fail  to  be  gener- 
ous, the  Hollander  had  from  the  earliest  times  been 
a  founder  of  hospitals  and  of  asylums  for  the  weak 
and  the  young.  His  practical  mind  had  never  taken 
much  interest  in  the  building  of  churches,  but  in- 
numerable institutions  of  a  public  character  had 
been  endowed  since  Christianity  had  made  its  tri- 
umphant entry  between  the  ninth  and  the  tenth 
century. 

This  generosity  continued  after  the  Catholic 
Church  lost  its  power.  Whether  all  the  money  given 
for  these  charitable  purposes  was  strictly  untainted, 
and  whether  sometimes  a  small  amount  of  vanity 


THE   PALACE   OF   THE   STADHOLDERS   A": 

After  a,n  engra 


HE    HAGUE   DURING   THE    ANNUAL   FAIR 
by  D.  Marot 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT        101 

and  the  pleasure  of  seeing  one's  name  engraved  in 
marble  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  large  sums  that 
were  forthcoming,  is  of  no  special  consideration. 
The  chief  fact  remained  that  those  who  were  too 
young  or  too  sick  or  too  old  to  work  could  find  a 
place  where  they  were  taken  care  of  without  having 
to  go  to  the  workhouse.  The  supervision  of  these 
institutions  was  in  the  hands  of  a  board  of  directors 
composed  of  philanthropic  old  ladies  or  gentlemen 
who  volunteered  their  services.  In  the  case  of  the 
orphan  asylums,  they  saw  to  it  that  the  inmates 
learned  a  good  trade  and  became  useful  members 
of  society. 

The  well-to-do  middle  classes,  who  would  never 
become  beneficiaries  for  poor-relief,  were  able  to 
secure  their  family's  future  by  a  system  of  Hfe  in- 
surance, which  in  this  country,  full  of  commercial 
insurance  companies,  had  developed  as  early  as  the 
seventeenth  century. 

The  movement  from  the  country  to  the  city  was 
quite  strong  during  the  eighteenth  century.  The 
young  girls  from  the  country  districts  went  to  the 
city  to  look  for  places  as  domestic  servants.  Young 
men  went  there  to  try  to  find  a  career  which  offered 
more  entertainment  than  that  offered  by  a  rustic 
community. 

To  keep  pace  with  the  increase  in  prosperity  a 
great  change  occurred  in  the  mode  of  living.  The 
merchant  no  longer  lived  at  his  place  of  business. 
The  living  quarters  had  gradually  been  removed 


102    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

from  the  workshop  or  the  oflSce.  First  of  all,  the 
living  quarters  had  moved  upstairs,  but  the  en- 
trance to  them  had  been  through  the  workshop 
downstairs.  Then  the  living  quarters  received  a  sep- 
arate entrance.  The  tradespeople  and  the  artisans 
adhere  to  this  mode  of  hving  up  to  our  own  day, 
but  the  merchant  moved  his  actual  residence  to  a 
more  desirable  part  of  the  town  and  maintained  his 
old  residence  merely  as  his  oflSce. 

This  new  way  of  living,  by  which  a  man  needed 
two  difiFerent  homes,  took  a  great  deal  more  space 
than  the  old  one,  and,  as  there  was  no  possibility  of 
a  war,  the  towns  soon  grew  far  beyond  their  walls. 
In  the  houses  themselves,  too,  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury saw  a  very  great  change.  We  notice  the  first 
vestiges  of  what  we  know  under  the  name  of  "com- 
fort." Hygiene  as  a  science  was  still  quite  as  un- 
known as  sociology.  The  canals  served  as  sewers 
and  at  the  same  time  provided  drinking  water.  Peo- 
ple lived  quite  as  happily  and  often  quite  as  many 
years  under  those  circumstances  as  they  do  in  our 
own  day.  As  they  knew  no  better,  they  asked  for 
no  better.  But  they  did  begin  to  get  acquainted 
with  comfort.  Stone  chimneys  had  been  part  of  the 
Dutch  house  long  before  they  had  been  used  abroad. 
They  were  a  great  improvement  upon  the  old  chim- 
neyless  house  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Still  people  had 
continued  to  freeze  more  or  less  until,  in  the  eight- 
eenth century,  the  tile-stove  was  introduced.  The 
stone  floors  were  being  replaced  by  wooden  ones. 


ECONOMIC   DEVELOPMENT        103 

and  rugs  and  carpets  covered  the  floors  of  the  rich 
just  as  mats  covered  those  of  the  poor.  Sleeping 
and  living  quarters  became  separated. 

Also  the  country  was  discovered.  The  mediaeval 
man  had  rarely  known  what  the  country  or  nature 
meant.  He  knew  that  they  both  could  be  found  out- 
side his  city  gate,  where  it  was  not  safe  to  go.  But 
the  security  from  foreign  enemies  or  homemade 
tramps  allowed  the  richer  classes  to  build  country 
homes,  whither  they  repaired  during  the  summer 
months  when  the  city  grew  hot  and  imhealthy. 
Aroimd  each  large  city  there  was  a  region  thickly 
covered  with  summer  residences.  They  were  usu- 
ally situated  on  a  canal,  so  as  to  allow  the  business 
man  to  "  commute  '*  by  means  of  the  canal  boat. 

The  greater  warmth  and  the  corresponding  dry- 
ness of  the  houses  produced  a  change  in  the  people's 
clothing.  No  longer  was  it  necessary  to  dress  in 
furs  all  the  year  round.  The  warmer  houses  allowed 
the  wearing  of  light  silks  and  linens  in  contrast  to 
the  old,  heavy  woolens.  The  old,  heavy  hat,  which 
had  been  worn  both  in  the  house  and  out  of  it,  was 
gradually  discarded,  and  merely  became  an  object 
of  adornment  carried  politely  under  one's  arm. 

The  furniture  in  the  house  was  also  altered,  and 
shows  us  the  change  in  the  people's  way  of  thinking. 
In  olden  days  the  Hollander  furnished  his  house 
as  though  neither  he  nor  his  children  nor  his 
grandchildren  ever  intended  to  move.  A  cup- 
board placed  in  a  certain  spot  was  put  there  not 


104    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

only  for  the  present  occupant,  but  also  for  the  bene- 
fit of  future  generations.  Tables  and  chairs  and 
everything  connected  with  the  house  were  built  on 
lines  which  took  count  of  the  coming  centuries. 
The  eighteenth  century,  however,  took  a  different 
view  of  things.  Grandmother's  cupboards  were 
hoisted  to  the  attic,  where,  being  absolutely  moth- 
proof, they  did  good  service  as  chests  for  the  pretty 
modern  clothes.  The  houses  were  now  refurnished 
with  new,  more  up-to-date  and  more  fashionable 
articles,  which,  alas,  were  nothing  but  a  cheap  im- 
itation of  whatever  happened  to  be  fashionable  in 
Paris  at  that  ^moment.  There  was  no  longer  the 
smallest  vestige  of  originality.  But  nobody  asked 
for  originality.  To  do  and  to  be  and  to  think  the 
"fashionable  thing"  was  of  a  great  deal  more  im- 
portance than  to  be  original.  The  leading  families 
went  so  far  in  this  imitation  of  foreign  manners  and 
customs  that  they  considered  their  own  language  as 
a  sort  of  rustic  patois  and  preferred  to  speak  and 
write  in  French  or  in  English. 

It  was  comparatively  easy  to  imitate  the  French 
nation  in  its  clothes  and  in  its  furniture.  To  imi- 
tate the  grace  with  which  the  French  ladies  and  gen- 
tlemen wore  those  clothes  and  moved  among  their 
gilded  chairs  and  tables  was  another  matter  and  a 
far  more  diflScult  one.  Heavily  built  by  nature,  eat- 
ing and  drinking  vast  amounts  and  taking  no  exer- 
cise whatsoever  (for  it  was  considered  decidedly 
vulgar  for  ladies  to  indulge  in  walks  or  to  be  seen 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT        105 

on  the  street  more  than  once  or  twice  a  week), 
the  Hollander,  in  all  his  eighteenth-century  frills 
and  ribbons,  was  unfortunately  a  subject  of  ridicule 
to  the  very  people  he  tried  to  honor  by  his  constant 
imitation. 

Not  only  was  the  home  in  which  the  eighteenth- 
century  people  dwelt  different  from  that  of  their 
fathers  and  grandfathers,  but  they  also  lived  much 
better.  Not  that  the  worthy  ancestors  of  a  century 
earlier  ever  went  hungry.  Far  from  that.  But  the 
people  had  become  more  refined  in  what  they  ate 
and  drank.  The  quality  began  to  replace  the  quan- 
tity. The  lower  classes,  which  in  so  many  countries 
were  condemned  to  a  dullness  in  the  matter  of  eat- 
ing and  drinking  and  a  sameness  which  seems  to  us 
almost  unbearable,  now  enjoyed  a  great  many  ad- 
vantages. Tobacco,  which  is  neither  food  nor  drink, 
but  quite  as  necessary  to  many  people,  was  in  such 
common  use  that  the  foreigner  never  thought  of  a 
Hollander  without  having  visions  of  large  clouds  of 
smoke  and  long  clay  pipes.  Salt  and  sugar  were 
never  taxed  in  such  a  way  that  they  were  out  of  the 
reach  of  even  the  poorer  classes.  Coffee  and  tea 
were  commodities  which  in  almost  all  the  house- 
holds were  available  from  early  morning  to  late 
night. 

As  the  people  on  the  farms  could  no  longer  work 
for  the  export  trade  they  were  bound  to  carry  their 
products  to  the  nearest  local  market,  and  butter 
and  cheese  and  eggs  were  to  be  had  for  prices  which 


106    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

we  fear  to  mention  in  a  book  meant  for  American 
readers.  With  water  on  all  sides  and  fish  for  the 
catching,  and  with  a  system  of  free  trade  which  laid 
the  country  wide  open  to  all  colonial  and  foreign 
imports,  the  material  side  of  our  history  is  a  happy 
one. 

In  the  line  of  amusements  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury remained  as  unsatisfactory  as  the  seventeenth. 
But  we  should  not  forget  that  in  those  days  there 
had  not  yet  been  formed  that  large  mass  of  people 
who,  not  sufficiently  educated  to  amuse  themselves 
with  their  own  thoughts,  are  constantly  clamoring 
for  a  circus  to  keep  them  entertained. 

The  theatre,  under  the  constant  criticism  and 
opposition  of  the  ultra-orthodox  clergy,  had  not 
prospered.  An  occasional  visit  to  the  tavern  and 
later,  when  they  were  introduced  as  a  foreign  nov- 
elty, to  the  coffee-house,  was  about  all  the  social 
distraction  most  people  ever  had.  There  was  a 
good  deal  of  visiting  from  house  to  house  and  a 
good  deal  of  social  eating  and  drinking  and  smok- 
ing. Entertainments  outside  of  the  home  circle 
were  not  encouraged  and  not  considered  very  nice. 

Once  a  year  there  was  occasion  for  a  general 
celebration.  That  was  the  annual  fair,  which  every 
self-respecting  town  and  village  held  at  a  regular 
time  of  the  calendar.  Then,  everybody,  from  the 
Stadholder  and  their  lordships,  the  Estates,  down 
to  the  poorest  costermonger,  forgot  for  the  moment 
the  dignity  which  he  owed  to  his  particular  station 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT        107 

in  life  and  enjoyed  himself  thoroughly.  The  en- 
tertainment, it  is  true,  was  tame  enough  from  our 
point  of  view.  It  consisted  of  looking  at  the  booths 
exhibiting  wonderful  wares  from  all  over  the  civil- 
ized and  uncivilized  world,  of  indulging  in  a  ride  on 
a  primitive  merry-go-round,  or  of  squandering  some 
good  pennies  on  the  grandmother  of  the  Siamese 
twins  or  the  original  wild  man  from  Borneo;  not 
to  forget  the  noble  game  of  "monte,"  which  then, 
as  now,  proved  most  disastrous  to  the  pocket  book 
of  the  unsuspecting  rustic. 

We  have  just  now  mentioned  the  opposition  of 
the  clergy  to  the  theatre.  The  clergy  still  had  a 
great  deal  to  do  with  the  daily  life  of  the  people.  It 
is  true  religion  no  longer  played  such  a  vital  part  as 
it  had  done  during  the  previous  century.  Among 
the  higher  classes  the  interest  taken  in  the  affairs  of 
the  Church  was  more  and  more  on  the  wane.  But 
the  old  Calvinistic  system  was  such  an  excellent 
means  by  which  to  keep  the  people  in  their  proper 
places  that  the  Regents  respected  the  Church,  and 
in  case  of  disputes  usually  supported  the  clergy  as 
against  their  congregations. 

As  to  the  vast  masses  of  the  people,  some  of  them 
were  faithful  church-goers  out  of  conviction,  others 
out  of  habit.  A  creed  which  for  many  generations 
has  meant  more  to  people  than  life  itself  is  not  lost 
in  a  few  years.  There  always  remained  a  strong 
minority  of  aggressively  orthodox  preachers  and 
followers  who  fought  with  all  means  fair  and  unfair 


108    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

for  the  supremacy  of  those  extreme  ideas  in  which 
most  people  had  lost  their  interest. 

The  clergy  of  the  established  Church  had  always 
occupied  a  rather  particular  position  in  the  com- 
munity. For  the  greater  part  they  were  recruited 
from  among  the  lower  middle  classes.  A  bright 
boy  with  exceptionally  good  brains,  but  with  little 
money,  could  always  count  on  help  in  the  form  of 
scholarships,  which  would  allow  him  to  study  for 
the  ministry.  Once  a  minister,  he  was  by  birth  and 
early  training  a  member  of  the  lower  classes,  but 
in  virtue  of  his  calhng  an  ex-officio  member  of  the 
very  highest  classes. 

What  made  this  position  more  complicated  was 
the  fact  that  the  clergy,  almost  without  exception, 
were  strong  supporters  of  the  House  of  Orange, 
just  as  the  majority  of  the  class  from  which  they 
sprang  were  ardent  partisans  of  these  princes.  Now, 
as  the  influence  of  the  clergy  upon  the  people  re- 
mained strong,  and  as  the  clergy  could  influence 
their  congregations  against  whomever  they  wanted, 
the  Regents  had  to  conciliate  the  preachers  even 
when  these  —  as  happened  quite  frequently  —  fol- 
lowed a  course  which  was  far  from  pleasant  to  the 
ruling  classes. 

In  general,  the  clergy  remained  faithful  to  the 
people  who  were  entrusted  to  their  care,  and  never 
catered  too  much  to  the  oligarchy  nor  forgot  the 
vaguely  democratic  principles  which  they  found 
among  the  masses.  Often  through  ignorance  or  an 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT        109 

excess  of  zeal,  they  stood  in  the  way  of  justice  or 
of  progress,  but,  taking  it  all  in  all,  they  remained 
until  the  very  end  an  influence  for  good  among 
their  surroundings  and  a  class  to  which  as  a  whole 
the  people  might  well  look  with  respect  and  devo- 
tion. 

In  one  way,  however,  they  were  losing  much  of 
their  old  importance.  They  were  no  longer  the 
intellectual  leaders  of  their  community.  The  gen- 
eral prosperity  and  the  change  in  the  way  of  living, 
which  sent  people  to  the  university  rather  than  to 
the  office,  did  away  with  the  old  privilege  of  the 
clergyman  of  being  the  vir  doctissimus  of  his  con- 
gregation. 

This  general  trend  towards  the  universities  fin- 
ally changed  the  entire  character  of  the  people  and 
of  the  universities  themselves.  Originally  the  uni- 
versities had  been  intended  as  training  schools  for 
the  clergy.  The  Theological  Faculty  was  the  old- 
est and  for  many  centuries  the  most  important. 
Latin  and  Greek  philology,  followed  by  Hebrew, 
Chaldaean,  and  Arabic,  were  after  all  but  secondary 
branches  of  learning  and  intended  to  supplement 
the  study  of  the  Scriptures.  In  the  course  of  time 
philosophy  was  added,  and  jurisprudence,  and 
much  later,  medicine  and  the  natural  sciences.  The 
addition  of  all  these  studies  introduced  an  element 
of  freedom  of  thought  in  the  university  community 
which  was  not  in  the  least  to  the  liking  of  many 
pious  Protestants.    In  some  of  the  country  pro- 


110    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

vinces,  the  good  people  even  founded  universities  of 
their  own,  in  order  that  they  might  keep  their  young 
men  at  home  and  out  of  the  way  of  the  temptation 
of  Liberalism. 

As  the  universities  were  not  imder  direct  control 
of  anybody  but  the  estates  of  their  particular  pro- 
vince, which  allowed  them  to  be  practically  auto- 
nomous, they  could  develop  in  any  direction  that 
was  agreeable  to  their  faculty.  Gradually  they  lost 
some  of  the  character  of  the  purely  professional 
school  and  began  to  fulfill  the  r61e  of  the  American 
college,  i.e.,  they  became  places  where  a  young  man 
went  to  get  a  general  education  and  to  make  pleas- 
ant friends.  Everybody  who  could  afford  to  do  so 
went  to  the  university  and  enrolled  as  a  student  of 
law.  That  meant  that  he  could  spend  three  or  four 
years  in  reading  whatever  he  pleased  and  in  making 
friends  with  those  young  men  who  seemed  most 
likable  to  him.  At  the  end  of  the  term  the  student 
let  himself  be  coached  in  the  necessary  subjects  for 
his  examinations,  spent  a  few  busy  months  on  a 
Latin  dissertation,  and  then  got  his  degree.  This 
degree  did  not  mean  that  he  knew  a  lot  of  law,  but 
was  considered  a  guarantee  that  the  owner  thereof 
had  spent  a  few  years  at  a  reputable  seat  of  learn- 
ing and  might  be  considered  a  gentleman. 

Now,  while  this  change  in  the  university  educa- 
tion meant  that  much  superficial  work  was  being 
done,  it  also  meant  that  a  good  many  more  peo- 
ple than  ever  before  got  a  liberal  education.    We 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT        111 

do  not  intend  to  give  the  impression  that  all  interest 
in  serious  work  had  suddenly  disappeared.  While 
these  gay  young  men  of  fashion  regarded  their  uni- 
versity merely  as  a  club,  a  good  deal  of  faithful  work 
was  still  being  done  in  all  of  the  departments. 
Philology,  classical  and  Semitic,  still  came  in  for 
considerable  attention.  The  presence  of  printing- 
shops  which  could  print  in  all  languages  favored 
the  development  of  books  in  these  tongues. 

The  natural  sciences  and  medicine,  not  ham- 
pered by  laws  against  dissection,  maintained  the 
high  standard  of  investigation  set  by  the  previous 
century,  which  has  continued  to  modern  times.  His- 
tory was  a  favorite  subject  of  study.  During  the 
seventeenth  century  the  people  were  still  so  full 
of  the  great  and  glorious  deeds  of  the  war  with 
Spain  that  most  of  their  histories  were  written  on 
this  one  subject.  The  eighteenth  century,  through 
quite  a  natural  reaction,  did  not  take  the  virtues 
of  the  forefathers  quite  as  seriously  and  rather  neg- 
lected the  history  of  the  war  of  eighty  years. 

Like  a  great  many  people  who  prefer  contem- 
plation to  active  work,  the  people  of  1750  or  there- 
abouts used  to  indulge  in  genealogical  and  anti- 
quarian studies.  It  was  a  time  when  old  documents, 
old  chronicles  of  towns  and  provinces,  old  statutes, 
old  privileges,  were  collected  and  edited  with  pro- 
fuse and  very  learned  notes.  Not  very  exciting 
work,  we  must  grant,  but  very  useful  for  later  in- 
vestigators.   It  also  made  the  people  acquainted 


112    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

with  the  Middle  Ages  and  the  changes  which  had 
taken  place  in  the  local  government  since  the  days 
of  the  popular  guilds  and  their  influence  upon  local 
government. 

The  study  of  philosophy  had  rather  a  curious 
history.  While  there  was  no  objection  to  the  study 
of  the  philosophy  of  the  ancients,  the  orthodox 
clergy  always  strongly  opposed  all  attempts  at  intro- 
ducing a  modern  system  of  philosophy.  Spinoza, 
the  mildest  of  men,  whose  philosophical  treatises 
were  understood  by  one  person  in  every  five  thou- 
sand, found  himself  opposed  by  the  full  strength 
of  the  Church,  which  saw  in  him  no  less  than  the 
Anti-Christ. 

During  the  eighteenth  century  this  opposition  of 
the  clergy  grew  less  as  the  indifference  to  religious 
matters  grew  larger.  A  general  tolerance  born  of 
indifference,  and  not  of  superior  convictions,  de- 
cided that  people  could  study  philosophy  if  they 
were  so  inclined,  and  refused  to  listen  to  the  violent 
arguments  of  such  pious  brethren  as  saw  in  such 
liberty  a  menace  to  the  welfare  of  their  fellow 
citizens'  souls. 

Original  work  was  as  much  absent  in  the  study 
of  philosophy  as  it  was  in  everything  else.  But  that 
which  France  and  England  produced  was  neatly 
reprinted,  and  was  studied  with  great  care  and  with 
a  serious  desire  to  get  at  the  truth.  The  English 
philosophers,  such  as  Locke  and  Hume,  who  ap- 
pealed to  common  sense  more  than  to  abstract 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT        113 

reasoning,  were  the  most  popular  and  were  trans- 
lated repeatedly,  and  soon  penetrated  from  the  uni- 
versities to  the  masses  at  large.  The  interest  in  all 
these  things  was  not  as  profound  as  it  was  before, 
but  it  was  certainly  much  more  widespread.  Dur- 
ing the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  interest 
in  learned  subjects  became  "fashionable." 

Anybody  who  wished  to  be  considered  as  some- 
body showed  his  interest  in  the  Higher  Life  by  col- 
lecting valuable  books  or  china  or  coins  or  South 
American  butterflies,  or  anything  that  was  rare  and 
expensive.  If  he  were  a  man  of  great  wealth  he 
would  hire  some  hungry  Doctor  of  Laws  or  Divinity 
to  catalogue  and  describe  his  collection,  and  had 
the  catalogue  printed  most  beautifully,  with  hand- 
colored  illustrations  and  a  binding  which  would 
withstand  all  time  and  change. 

In  order  not  to  grow  stale  and  to  keep  his  mind 
young  and  fresh,  the  citizen,  blessed  with  worldly 
goods  and  an  interest  in  immaterial  things,  used  to 
be  very  fond  of  joining  some  literary  or  scientific 
society.  During  the  latter  half  of  the  century  a 
score  of  such  societies  were  founded.  They  served 
many  purposes.  Some  of  them  made  a  special 
study  of  literature,  others  of  mathematics  and  the 
natural  sciences ;  others  were  interested  in  local  his- 
tory or  provincial  genealogy.  All  of  them  published 
yearly  or  half-yearly  reports  of  their  meetings  and 
sent  those  reports  broadcast.  In  this  way,  too,  a 
good  deal  of  information  which  formerly  had  not 


114    FAIL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

been  available  found  its  way  among  large  classes  of 
people.  The  good  postal  system  allowed  even  those 
who  lived  far  away  from  the  centre  of  things  to  keep 
informed  of  what  was  going  on  in  the  big  world. 

Another  source  of  information  for  the  masses  was 
found  in  the  newspapers.  Owing  to  the  good  postal 
system,  the  newspapers  had  been  able  to  develop 
rapidly,  and  they  kept  the  whole  country  informed 
of  what  was  going  on  in  the  rest  of  the  world.  These 
Dutch  newspapers  played  a  curious  international 
r61e.  During  the  eighteenth  century  they  were  the 
most  up-to-date  papers,  and  maintained  such  a 
good  foreign  service  that  the  papers  of  other  coun- 
tries worshiped  them  most  assiduously  with  their 
scissors.  The  "Gazette  de  Leyde,"  published  in 
French,  held  the  place  which  during  the  nineteenth 
century  was  enjoyed  by  the  London  "Times."  No- 
body was  well  informed  who  had  not  yet  seen  what 
the  "Gazette  de  Leyde"  had  to  say  upon  certain 
subjects.  Editorials  in  our  sense  of  the  word  were 
unknown,  but  the  news  items  were  often  accom- 
panied by  a  few  private  remarks  of  the  editor. 

Not  only  did  these  papers  print  foreign  and  do- 
mestic political  news  and  stock  quotations,  but  they 
also  kept  au  courant  of  the  inventions  and  discov- 
eries made  at  home  and  elsewhere.  They  were  so  up- 
to-date,  that  even  the  patent  medicine  advertise- 
ment, with  "forty  years'  practice  and  a  thousand 
testimonials,"  was  not  wanting.  Now,  while  the  in- 
fluence of  these  papers  may  not  have  been  that  of 


ECONOMIC  DEVELOPMENT        115 

the  standard  papers  of  to-day,  still  they  brought  to 
everybody  who  would  take  the  trouble  to  read  them 
a  miscellaneous  amount  of  information  which  could 
not  fail  to  broaden  his  views. 

Here  ends  our  short  review  of  the  social  and  eco- 
nomic conditions  in  the  Republic  just  before  the 
French  Revolution.  All  we  could  attempt  to  do 
was  to  make  a  rough  sketch  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, which  would  throw  a  light  upon  the  principal 
changes  from  the  previous  century.  Our  work  is 
more  intended  to  provide  some  scenery  for  the  stage 
on  which  our  actors  will  perform  in  the  following 
chapters  than  to  give  a  detailed  map  on  which  the 
reader  would  be  able  to  follow  the  precise  move- 
ments of  each  individual  actor. 


CHAPTER  m 

WILLIAM  rV 

As  we  have  stated  before,  the  death  of  William  III 
introduced  a  new  period,  during  which  the  govern- 
ment of  the  country  was  exercised  by  the  Regents 
and  during  which  all  of  the  provinces  except  Fries- 
land  were  without  stadholders.  Friesland,  with  its 
strong  feeling  of  independence,  had  always  held 
aloof  from  the  other  provinces  as  much  as  was 
practicable,  and  had  as  early  as  1584  elected  as  its 
own  stadholder,  Willem  Lodewyk,  a  son  of  Johan 
of  Nassau,  the  oldest  brother  of  William  the  Silent. 
It  was  this  same  collateral  branch  of  the  House  of 
Nassau  which  later,  during  the  eighteenth  century, 
furnished  stadholders  for  the  entire  Republic,  and 
which  in  1815  was  elevated  to  the  throne  of  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands. 

We  have  also  seen  that  the  first  act  of  the  Re- 
gents after  William  died  was  to  endeavor  to  draw 
the  Republic  out  of  all  foreign  complications  and  to 
start  upon  a  new  career  of  "peace  at  all  costs."  Of 
course  international  complications  continued  to 
take  place,  and  it  was  not  always  found  possible  for 
the  Republic  to  remain  absolutely  neutral  while  her 
nearest  friends  and  enemies  were  fighting  each  other. 
Furthermore  the  Republic,  from  its  former  days  of 
greatness,  was  still  bound  to  many  nations  by  dif- 


WILLIAM  IV  117 

ferent  treaties  and  alliances,  and  not  infrequently 
she  was  requested  to  send  such  assistance  as  those 
treaties  stipulated.  Whenever  this  occurred,  the 
request  for  help  was  listened  to  with  great  patience 
and  was  then  brought  up  for  discussion  in  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Estates  General.  But,  of  course,  the  for- 
eign ambassadors  who  made  the  request  would  un- 
derstand that  in  this  free  Republic  nothing  could 
be  done  without  first  informing  all  the  interested 
parties.  The  matter,  therefore,  went  from  the 
Estates  General  to  the  provincial  estates.  The  pro- 
vincial estates  referred  the  matter  to  the  delegates 
from  the  different  cities.  The  delegates  from  the 
different  cities  had  to  ask  the  opinion  of  their  burgo- 
master and  aldermen.  Then,  after  endless  debates, 
the  matter  under  discussion  began  to  creep  back  to 
where  it  came  from.  By  the  time  it  reached  the 
Estates  General,  the  foreign  war  was  apt  to  be 
over,  through  exhaustion  of  both  belligerents;  or 
it  had  become  manifest  which  of  the  two  warring 
countries  was  going  to  be  victorious  and  measures 
could  be  taken  to  keep  on  the  safe  side.  This  pro- 
ceeding was  hardly  dignified,  but  it  saved  the  Re- 
public much  money,  and  hence  was  greatly  encour- 
aged. 

When  in  the  year  1718,  England,  France,  and 
Austria  concluded  their  triple  alliance  against 
Spain,  it  was  expected  that  the  Republic  would  join 
them  at  once.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  Republic  did 
join,  but  not  until  the  year  1719,  when  the  pre- 


118    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

liminary  fighting  indicated  a  victory  for  the  allies. 
A  year  later,  the  different  leading  powers  of  Europe 
held  a  sort  of  peace  conference  in  Cambrai  to  dis- 
cuss political  matters  of  international  interest.  The 
Estates  General,  however,  preferred  not  to  incur 
the  heavy  expenses  of  sending  their  delegates  to  this 
conference  and  the  Republic  was  not  represented. 
This  voluntary  absence  was  accepted  by  the  other 
nations  as  an  indication  of  the  Republic's  desire  to 
be  left  undisturbed  in  foreign  matters.  Henceforth 
the  Republic  was  considered  a  negUgible  quantity, 
which  had  to  be  respected  only  on  account  of  its 
prominent  position  on  the  money  market.  At  the 
same  time,  when  no  money  could  be  found  to  send 
a  few  representatives  to  this  important  conference, 
the  whole  country  went  crazy  about  John  Law's 
financial  schemes  and  spent  millions  in  the  most 
futile  speculation.  We  mention  the  episode  be- 
cause it  indicates  the  change  that  had  come  over 
the  Republic. 

After  this  congress  of  Cambrai  there  followed  a 
dozen  years  of  European  peace.  The  Republic,  free 
from  care  about  the  condition  of  European  politics, 
allowed  what  remained  of  her  army  to  go  to  ruin, 
and  kept  only  half  a  dozen  ships  afloat  with  which 
to  defend  her  enormous  foreign  commerce. 

In  1733,  the  war  of  the  Polish  Succession  broke 
out.  But  this  took  place  far  away  from  Holland, 
and,  as  England  also  maintained  her  neutrality,  the 
Republic  on  this  occasion  was  not  disturbed  in  her 


WILLIAM  IV  119 

slumbers.  Then  followed  seven  years  of  general 
peace.  Except  for  a  few  troops  in  the  wholly  neg- 
lected fortifications  along  the  French  frontier,  the 
so-called  Barriere,  there  were  no  troops  left.  The 
fleet  was  equally  as  weak. 

Almost  an  entire  generation  had  now  gone  by 
since  the  Regents  had  resumed  the  government  of 
the  country.  Only  a  few  old  folks  remembered  the 
days  of  1672  and  the  terrible  defeat  the  Regents' 
party  had  suffered  in  that  year.  The  scaffold  of  de 
Witt  and  the  remembrance  of  his  mutilated  body 
being  dragged  through  the  streets  had  become  an- 
cient history.  One  had  to  be  a  nonagenarian  to  have 
a  clear  recollection  of  that  terrible  occurrence.  The 
younger  generation  of  the  Regents  no  longer  shared 
their  fathers'  fear  of  a  possible  repetition  of  such  a 
violent  outbreak.  Accordingly,  they  were  less  care- 
ful. They  had  been  born  and  bred  under  very  dif- 
ferent conditions  of  life  from  those  their  fathers 
remembered,  and  they  had  no  personal  knowledge 
of  the  people's  wrath,  which  was  so  real  and  terri- 
ble to  their  grandfathers.  They  took  their  share  of 
the  government  and  of  the  profits  of  oflSce  with 
much  less  conscious  feeling  of  responsibihty  than 
their  ancestors  had  known.  The  country  was  at 
peace.  It  was  no  longer  burdened  with  a  useless 
army  and  a  costly  navy.  There  was  general  abund- 
ance. Surely  there  was  no  reason  why  everybody 
should  not  be  as  happy  as  kings  or  why  anybody 
should  grudge  the  Republic  its  revenues. 


120    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

But,  alas,  this  pleasant  idyll  was  cruelly  disturbed 
in  the  year  1740.  The  war  of  the  Austrian  Succes- 
sion broke  out.  The  Republic  unfortunately  was 
one  of  the  signers  of  the  famous  Pragmatic  Sanc- 
tion, by  which  Charles  VI  of  Austria  had  assured  his 
daughter,  Maria  Theresa,  of  the  succession  in  his 
domains.  Neither  the  Republic  nor  England,  which 
was  also  one  of  the  signers,  had  done  so  out  of  love 
for  the  young  Princess  or  out  of  respect  for  her  aged 
father.  In  return  for  their  signatures  Charles  had 
promised  to  discontinue  his  attempts  to  start  an 
Austro-Indian  Company  in  Ostend,  an  undertaking 
which  threatened  to  be  a  dangerous  rival  to  the 
English  and  Dutch  Indian  Companies. 

Now,  when  in  1740  Frederic  the  Great  started  on 
his  first  freebooting  expedition  against  Austria  and 
precipitated  the  war  of  the  Austrian  Succession,  the 
Republic  was  most  disagreeably  reminded  of  her 
rash  step  in  signing  this  Pragmatic  Sanction.  For 
by  this  agreement  the  Republic  was  bound  to  come 
to  the  support  of  Maria  Theresa  with  arms  and 
money.  The  Empress  demanded  help,  and  England 
at  once  came  to  the  rescue  and  reminded  Holland  of 
her  obligations  to  do  likewise.  But  the  Republic 
hesitated,  for  on  the  other  side,  lined  up  with  Prus- 
sia, was  France,  and  this  country  threatened  all 
sorts  of  things  should  the  Republic  refuse  to  main- 
tain a  strict  neutrality. 

The  problem,  therefore,  came  down  to  the  follow- 
ing eminently  practical  question:  either  the  Repub- 


WILLIAM   IV  121 

lie  would  support  the  Empress  as  it  was  obliged 
to  do  by  solemn  treaty,  —  a  policy  which  would 
cost  money  and  produce  no  practical  results,  —  or 
the  Republic  would  stay  neutral,  save  money,  and 
be  rewarded  by  commercial  advantages  from  the 
French  government. 

As  usual,  a  compromise  was  made.  Instead  of 
sending  the  Empress  troops,  as  they  were  bound  to 
do  according  to  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty,  the 
Estates  General  sent  her  some  money.  Instead  of 
sending  a  fleet,  very  vague  preliminary  discussions 
were  started  about  the  building  of  a  few  new  ships. 
Of  course,  neither  side  was  contented  with  these 
halfway  measures.  Maria  Theresa  thought  that 
the  Republic  had  done  too  Httle.  France  thought 
that  she  had  done  too  much. 

In  a  short  time  the  whole  country  got  inter- 
ested in  discussing  the  purely  academic  question 
as  to  whether  the  RepubKc  was  actually  bound 
to  stick  to  its  solemn  promises  or  not.  Soon 
this  general  debating  society  developed  into  two 
camps,  divided  along  the  old  lines  of  party  politics. 
Those  who  supported  the  Empress  and  England 
were  guided  by  the  old  friendship  which  had  always 
bound  the  Princes  of  Orange  to  the  neighbors  across 
the  North  Sea.  On  the  other  side  were  the  Regents 
and  their  adherents,  guided  by  practical  instincts, 
who  saw  the  country's  sole  salvation  in  a  close 
friendship  with  France.  After  a  few  months'  dis- 
cussion, the  original  questions  at  issue  were  forgot- 


122    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

ten  in  the  general  revival  of  the  political  quarrels 
between  the  pro-  and  anti-Stadholderites. 

Meanwhile  the  head  of  the  House  of  Orange  was 
peacefully  living  in  Leeuwarden,  the  capital  of 
Friesland,  and  was  ruHng  this  province  without  ex- 
ercising the  slightest  influence  upon  any  of  the  rest 
of  the  Republic  or  upon  her  foreign  policy. ^^  The 
head  of  the  house  at  that  moment  was  Willem  Karel 
Hendrik  Friso,  aged  twenty-nine  years.  He  was 
born  in  Leeuwarden  on  September  1,  1711.  His 
father  had  been  drowned  two  months  before  while 
crossing  the  Moerdyk,  on  his  way  from  the  army 
in  Belgium  to  the  Hague,  whither  he  was  bound 
to  see  about  the  settlement  of  the  inheritance  of 
Wilham  III.  His  mother  was  a  German  princess, 
Mary  Louise  of  Hesse-Cassel.  She,  as  well  as  her 
husband,  was  of  a  family  of  more  than  ordinary  men- 
tal and  physical  gifts.  The  husband,  Johan  Willem 
Friso,  might  have  done  great  things  in  the  Republic 
if  he  had  not  met  with  such  an  untimely  end. 

But  the  child  of  this  couple  was  a  very  common- 
place little  personage.  Neither  in  appearance  nor 
in  mental  make-up  did  he  resemble  his  parents.  As 
a  small  child  he  had  been  sickly,  and  had  been  edu- 
cated, therefore,  by  his  mother  with  great  care  and 
in  the  quietest  of  ways.  He  had  spent  his  whole 
youth  in  Leeuwarden,  a  city  remarkable  for  its  slow 
dignity,  conservatism,  and  general  dowdiness.  It 
was  a  little  country  town,  situated  far  away  from 
the  large  outside  world,  and  not  much  in  touch  with 


WILLIAM  IV  123 

what  happened  abroad.  Friesland  was  a  Kttle  re- 
public by  itself,  with  a  rich  aristocracy  and  a  rich 
peasant  class.  Between  these  two  there  was  hardly 
a  second  class.  The  aristocracy  lived  either  on  its 
estates  or  in  Leeuwarden.  Very  proud  of  its  old 
names  and  its  glorious  family  histories,  it  had  petri- 
fied into  a  rather  dull  but  extremely  haughty  and 
conservative  class  of  imitation  grands  seigneurs. 
For  the  rich  crowd  of  green-grocers  and  butchers, 
who  were  almighty  in  Holland  and  in  most  of  the 
rest  of  the  Republic,  they  had  no  use  whatsoever. 
Indeed,  whenever  the  occasion  offered  itself  they 
treated  them  with  great  superiority  and  high-and- 
mightiness,  a  feeling  which  was  reciprocated  most 
energetically  by  the  merchants  of  the  Province  of 
Holland. 

In  this  atmosphere,  full  of  rather  feudal  senti- 
ments, young  Willem  Karel  Hendrik  Friso,  whom 
we  shall  know  under  the  name  of  WilHam  IV,  grew 
up  under  the  rigid  discipline  of  his  mother.  She 
was  very  pious  and  very  strict,  and  young  Will- 
iam's life  was  not  full  of  exhilarating  joy.  He  got, 
however,  an  excellent  foundation  in  many  serious 
branches  of  learning  and  great  virtuosity  in  dis- 
cussing theological  questions.  His  mother,  more- 
over, must  have  been  a  woman  of  rare  tact,  for,  at 
the  early  age  of  twenty-three,  when  she  was  left  a 
widow  in  a  strange  and  not  very  hospitable  land, 
she  gradually  managed  to  make  herself  so  well- 
beloved  that   the  homely  nickname,  "Maryken 


124    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Meu,"  or  "Mother  Mary,"  which  her  contempo- 
raries gave  her,  is  still  remembered  with  pleasant 
ajffection  in  even  our  own  day. 

In  the  year  1726,  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  the  young 
Prince  was  sent  to  the  University  of  Franeker.  This 
was  one  of  the  small  universities  which  local  pa- 
triotism had  erected  in  opposition  to  the  more  in- 
ternational one  at  Leiden.  It  enjoyed,  however,  an 
excellent  name  in  the  world  of  scholarship.  Here 
William  made  for  himself  a  reputation  as  a  serious 
student  and  indulged  in  many  and  varied  branches 
of  study.  Mathematics  and  physics  attracted  him 
more  especially,  although  it  is  doubtful  what  use  he 
ever  intended  to  make  of  them  in  his  work  as  a 
statesman. 

After  a  residence  of  two  years  in  Franeker,  he 
went  to  Utrecht,  where  at  the  well-known  univers- 
ity he  again  followed  only  such  lectures  as  inter- 
ested him.  With  this  smattering  of  learning  he 
finally  went  back  to  Leeuwarden  to  assume  the 
duties  of  the  stadholdership,  which  his  mother  had 
exercised  for  him  until  he  should  be  of  age. 

His  prospects  for  playing  a  leading  role  in  the 
Republic  were  not  large.  It  is  true  that  some  of  the 
minor  country  provinces  in  the  east,  Groningen, 
Drenthe,  and  Gelderland,  had  gradually  preferred 
to  appoint  the  young  Prince  their  stadholder  rather 
than  continue  under  the  old  system  of  government 
by  the  Regents.  But  as  long  as  Holland  refused  to 
throw  off  the  yoke  of  their  rule,  the  other  provinces 


WILLIAM  IV  125 

counted  for  very  little.  And  in  Holland  the  Prince 
had  at  that  moment  practically  no  influence.  He 
was  befriended  by  a  few  leading  famiUes  who  had 
always  been  stanch  supporters  of  the  House  of 
Orange  and  who  now  lived  in  forgotten  obscurity. 
Of  course  among  the  people  and  among  the  clergy 
the  majority  were  still  faithful  to  the  House  of 
Orange,  but  the  people  were  not  organized  and 
the  Regents  were.  Hence  it  was  impossible  for 
the  majority  to  assert  themselves. 

But  now  that  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession 
had  broken  out  and  the  Repubhc  was  full  of  ru- 
mors that  she  would  be  drawn  into  the  fight  herself, 
the  leading  partisans  of  the  Prince  thought  that  the 
time  had  come  to  do  something  for  the  advance- 
ment of  his  cause.  Their  first  thought  was  to  ask 
the  English  government  to  give  William  a  high  mili- 
tary position  in  the  army  which  was  going  to  be  sent 
to  the  support  of  the  Austrian  Empress.  Then, 
when  the  Prince  should  return  as  a  conquering  hero, 
his  chances  would  have  increased  enormously.  But 
the  unfortunate  young  man  was  chicken-breasted 
and  suffered  from  chronic  asthma;  he  lacked  all 
the  qualifications  for  a  military  hero,  and  the  plan 
had  to  be  given  up.  There  was  nothing  for  him 
to  do  but  to  continue  his  peaceful  life  in  Leeu- 
warden. 

All  this  time,  through  a  number  of  inheritances, 
the  Prince  was  getting  to  be  a  rich  man.  Several  of 
the  collateral  branches  of  the  family  died  out,  and 


126    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  Prince  acquired  their  possessions.  So  that  by 
the  year  1742  his  power  as  a  ruler  over  a  number  of 
small  German  states  was  quite  as  large  as  that 
which  he  exercised  as  Stadholder  of  Friesland  and 
Groningen  and  Gelderland.  It  put  him  into  rather 
a  curious  position,  for  he  was  absolute  ruler  over  his 
patient  Teutons  and  the  subordinate  executive  of 
the  estates  of  the  aggressively  "  free-bom  "  Frisians. 
To  the  Prince,  however,  more  possessions  meant 
more  money,  and  more  money  meant  more  power. 
Gradually  he  was  becoming  the  richest  man  of  his 
coimtry. 

Meanwhile,  also,  the  debate  as  to  the  advisability 
or  inadvisabiUty  of  sticking  to  one's  given  word  was 
still  going  on,  and  fortunately  with  increasing  suc- 
cess for  those  who  supported  the  safe  and  sane  pol- 
icy of  honesty.  In  1744,  the  Estates  General,  after 
much  pressure  on  the  part  of  England,  at  last  con- 
sented to  come  to  the  support  of  the  Empress,  and 
began  to  gather  a  few  troops.  They  even  went  so 
far  as  to  discuss  the  possibility  of  giving  the  Prince 
of  Orange  a  post  as  lieutenant-general.  But  Will- 
iam, like  a  good  many  dull  people,  was  of  a  most 
tenacious  nature.  His  father  had  been  commander- 
in-chief  before  him.  Either  he  was  going  to  be  com- 
mander-in-chief, too,  or  he  was  going  to  be  nothing 
at  all.  As  far  as  he  was  concerned,  there  was  not  go- 
ing to  be  any  compromise.  The  offer  was  therefore 
declined.  The  troops  were  sent  under  another  lieu- 
tenant-general, and  the  prince  remained  in  Leeu- 


WILLIAM  IV  127 

warden  and  waited  in  peace  for  the  things  that  were 
to  come. 

The  international  poHtical  situation,  however, 
was  changing  very  fast.  England  had  strictly  fol- 
lowed out  all  the  promises  made  to  Charles  VI, 
and  had  sent  an  auxiliary  army  to  Maria  Theresa. 
At  Dettingen,  this  army  had  beaten  the  French. 
France,  in  order  to  get  even  with  England,  was 
equipping  a  fleet  which  was  to  bring  the  English 
Pretender  Charles  Edward  into  his  rightful  domin- 
ion. The  French  fleet,  with  the  Pretender  and  a 
large  army,  actually  sailed  away  from  France  to 
invade  England,  but  owing  to  very  bad  weather  it 
failed  to  land  or  to  accomplish  anything.  But  this 
unfortunate  enterprise  sufficed  to  draw  the  Repub- 
lic definitely  into  the  general  mix-up.  For  the  Re- 
pubhc  and  England  were  united  by  two  defensive 
treaties,  one  of  the  year  1678  and  one  of  the  year 
1716.  These  treaties  stipulated  that  either  country 
must  help  the  other  in  case  of  a  threatened  inva- 
sion. Now  England  was  being  threatened  with  an  in- 
vasion. Hence  the  Republic,  according  to  the  words 
of  the  treaty,  must  send  her  six  thousand  soldiers. 
The  sending  of  six  thousand  men,  however,  meant 
certain  war  with  France.  The  difficulty  was  great. 
England  clamored  for  help.  France  clamored  for 
neutrality.  Again  the  RepubUc  tried  to  please  both 
parties.  The  six  thousand  men  were  actually 
brought  together,  but  great  difficulty  was  experi- 
enced in  shipping  them  across  the  North  Sea.  It 


ns    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

was  found  to  be  impossible  to  collect  even  twenty 
ships.  The  best  naval  ojfficer  who  could  be  found 
to  command  this  fleet  was  a  venerable  gentleman  of 
seventy-three  years  of  age  who  had  been  pensioned 
during  the  last  fifteen  years.  The  second  in  com- 
mand was  sixty-nine  years  old. 

Before  the  auxiliary  troops  were  finally  embarked, 
the  French  expedition  had  come  to  grief.  England 
was  no  longer  threatened  with  an  invasion  and  the 
Dutch  troops  were  no  longer  needed.  But  the  epi- 
sode had  sufficed  to  show  the  Republic's  bad  faith 
and  had  estranged  her  from  both  France  and  Great 
Britain.  The  Republic  had  now  sunk  so  low  that, 
while  she  was  collecting  the  necessary  men  for  her 
English  expedition,  she  at  the  same  time  sent  a  spe- 
cial mission  to  France  to  make  clear  in  Paris  that  she 
supported  England  only  under  very  great  pressure 
and  that  such  support  was  not  intended  as  an  act 
of  hostility  against  her  good  French  friends.  Even 
after  a  French  army  had  invaded  Belgium  (which 
was  an  Austrian  province)  and  had  taken  all  the 
Dutch  fortifications  of  the  Barriere,  the  Republic 
continued  her  policy  of  conciliation  in  Paris,  and 
went  to  any  degree  of  indignity  and  humiliation 
rather  than  openly  take  the  side  to  which  she  was 
bound  by  solemn  treaty.  In  this  way,  when  the 
year  1745  came,  she  had  lost  the  good  will  and  the 
respect  of  every  other  nation  in  Europe,  and,  more- 
over, was  finally  dragged  into  the  war  and  under 
the  most  unfavorable  circumstances. 


WILLIAM  IV  129 

For  France  refused  to  be  pacified  by  extraordin- 
ary missions.  She  declared  war  and  immediately 
invaded  Dutch  territory.  The  Dutch  fortifications, 
fallen  into  decay  and  manned  by  a  few  veteran 
pensioners,  were  surrendered  without  the  firing  of  a 
single  shot.  Within  a  few  weeks  the  French  army 
conquered  the  greater  part  of  the  Dutch  territory 
on  the  south  shore  of  the  Scheldt.  Since  the  year 
1672  the  Republic  had  not  seen  a  war  so  near  her 
door.  Stories  of  French  vandalism  w^ere  still  alive 
and  were  revived  by  the  behavior  of  the  troops 
under  Maurice  of  Saxony,  who,  although  specially 
admonished  by  the  French  government  to  *'go 
easy,"  entertained  very  liberal  ideas  about  the 
right  of  the  conqueror  and  the  "exigencies  of 
war.'* 

When  in  the  spring  of  1747  the  French  troops 
made  ready  to  penetrate  farther  into  Dutch  terri- 
tory, a  terrible  panic  spread.  Whosoever  could 
afford  to  do  so  fled  across  the  Scheldt  and  escaped 
to  the  islands  of  Walcheren  and  Beveland.  Most 
of  the  fugitives  went  to  Middelburg  on  the  island 
of  Walcheren,  the  capital  of  Zeeland.  Middelburg 
had  been  one  of  the  first  Dutch  cities  to  throw  off 
the  Spanish  yoke,  and  since  the  disappearance  of 
the  Spanish  troops  its  inhabitants  had  not  had  op- 
portunity to  see  what  a  foreign  soldier  looked  Hke. 
They  were  now  thrown  into  terrible  distress  by  the 
harrowing  stories  of  their  brethren  from  across  the 
Scheldt.  The  whole  island,  one  of  the  richest  parts 


130    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  the  whole  RepubHc,  saw  itself  at  the  mercy  of  the 
invading  enemy. 

In  Vlissingen  and  in  Veere,  the  two  cities  over 
which  the  Prince  of  Orange,  in  his  quality  of  Mar- 
quis of  those  cities,  had  always  exercised  great  influ- 
ence, and  which  had  always  been  connected  with 
the  House  of  Orange  by  very  affectionate  ties,  the 
people  assembled  in  the  market-place  and  caused 
considerable  disorder.  Vlissingen  was  still  a  pro- 
sperous city  with  a  large  colonial  commerce.  Veere 
was  strongly  on  the  decline,  and  was  changing  from 
an  important  mediaeval  town  into  a  country  village, 
where  to-day  the  remains  of  an  immense  Gothic 
church,  a  wonderful  town  hall,  and  a  few  beautiful 
houses  preach  a  silent  lesson  of  past  glory. 

Curiously  enough,  it  was  in  Veere,  with  its  thou- 
sand and  odd  inhabitants,  that  the  first  outbreak 
occurred.  During  the  evening  of  the  24th  of  April 
of  the  year  1747  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Aarden- 
burg,  the  key  to  the  whole  of  the  Republic's  part 
of  Flanders,  became  known.  The  people  flocked 
to  the  town  hall.  Speeches  were  made.  Almost  ex- 
actly the  same  thing  happened  as  in  the  year  1672. 
There  were  loud  and  violent  outcries  of  treachery. 
The  Regents  were  blamed  for  everything.  The 
only  hope  for  salvation  was  seen  in  the  immediate 
appointment  of  a  stadholder  and  commander-gen- 
eral. In  the  middle  of  the  night  the  Burgomaster 
of  Veere  was  visited  by  an  angry  multitude.  In 
order  to  save  himself  from  violence,  he  was  obliged 


WILLIAM  IV  131 

to  promise  that  he  would  on  the  morrow  advise  the 
Estates  of  Zeeland  to  appoint  Prince  William  as 
stadholder. 

From  Veere  to  Middleburg  is  only  half  an  hour's 
walk.  The  next  morning  the  disorder  of  Veere  had 
spread  to  the  Zeeland  capital.  The  Regents,  as  al- 
ways under  similar  circumstances,  were  helpless. 
They  had  no  armed  force  at  their  disposal.  Within 
three  days  thewhole  of  the  Province  of  Zeeland  was 
clamoring  for  the  appointment  of  William,  and  on 
the  28th  of  April  the  provincial  estates  decided  to 
offer  the  Prince  of  Orange  the  dignity  of  Stadholder 
of  their  province. 

The  first  news  of  this  popular  uprising  reached 
Holland  by  way  of  Rotterdam,  which  heard  of  it 
through  the  sailors  of  the  small  boats  which  early 
each  morning  brought  the  fresh  vegetables  from 
the  Zeeland  Islands.  No  sooner  were  these  small 
boats,  adorned  with  Orange  flags,  seen  on  the  Maas, 
than  the  crowd  along  the  river  broke  forth  into  wild 
joy.  Orange  ribbons  were  produced  from  some- 
where, and  soon  a  procession  of  much-beribboned 
people  began  to  move  towards  the  town  hall,  the 
final  goal  of  all  similar  processions.  Inside  the 
town  hall  a  number  of  badly  frightened  Regents 
were  holding  a  meeting.  Much  against  their  will  — 
for  they  were  defenseless  —  the  burgomasters  were 
forced  to  receive  a  delegation  from  among  the  pro- 
cessionists. A  baker  and  a  cartwright  were  their 
spokesmen.    In  very  determined   words  they   de- 


132    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

manded  that  the  town  council  should  lend  its  sup- 
port towards  the  appointment  of  Prince  William  IV 
as  Stadholder  of  Holland.  The  town  council  could 
do  nothing  but  acquiesce.  Within  an  hour  the 
Orange  flag  was  floating  from  the  old  tower  of  the 
Lawrence  Church.  The  rest  of  the  day  was  spent 
in  celebrations.  The  taverns  did  a  great  business. 

Exactly  the  same  thing  happened  in  Dordrecht 
and  the  Hague  and  Haarlem  and  Ley  den.  Proces- 
sions formed  everywhere;  the  town  council  was  bull- 
ied into  submission,  and  the  old  flag  of  the  Prince 
was  gloriously  hoisted  on  the  highest  available 
church  tower. 

Three  days  this  peaceful  revolution  lasted.  No 
blood  flowed.  Only  a  few  very  unpopular  Regents 
suffered  material  damage  in  the  form  of  broken 
window-panes.  That  was  all.  But  on  the  3d  of 
May  the  Estates  of  Holland  offered  the  Stadholder 
of  Friesland,  Groningen,  and  Gelderiand  the  dig- 
nity of  Stadholder  of  their  own  province,  and  on 
the  next  day  they  appointed  him  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Repubhc's  armies  and  of  the  navy. 
The  young  Prince  saw  himself  reinstated  in  all  the 
dignities  which  had  formerly  belonged  to  his  great- 
uncles.  His  patience  was  rewarded.  Without  him- 
self contributing  to  the  final  results  in  any  way,  he 
was  called  to  his  high  oflSce. 

A  deputation  from  among  the  Estates  of  Zeeland 
crossed  the  Zuyderzee  and  arrived  in  Leeuwarden 
on  the  5th  of  May.  They  asked  His  Highness  to 


WILLIAM  IV  133 

proceed  at  once  to  their  province.  On  the  10th 
of  May  His  Highness,  with  his  young  wife,  Anna, 
daughter  of  George  II  of  England,  took  a  fond  fare- 
well of  his  mother  and  proceeded  to  Holland. 

On  Ascension  Day  the  august  family  arrived  in 
Amsterdam,  where  they  were  welcomed  by  the 
Burgomaster  and  deputations  from  all  influential 
commercial  and  civic  bodies  of  the  town.  As  for  the 
people,  they  had  not  shouted  "Vivat  Oranje"  for 
so  long,  that  they  could  do  it  now  with  a  vengeance. 
The  enthusiasm  was  immense,  and  wherever  the 
Prince  appeared  he  was  greeted  as  a  returning  hero. 

At  last,  after  almost  half  a  century,  the  people 
were  again  delivered  from  the  oppressive  yoke  of 
the  Regents.  They  felt  that,  as  of  old,  the  Prince 
of  Orange  would  protect  the  country  against  the 
foreign  enemy,  and  would  put  an  end  to  all  the 
many  unbearable  abuses  which  had  gradually  de- 
veloped while  the  Regents  were  in  supreme  com- 
mand of  the  country. 

Wilham  IV  was  now  Stadholder  of  all  of  the  pro- 
vinces of  the  entire  Republic. ^^  But  that  was  not 
enough  for  those  who  supported  him.  He  might 
die  without  leaving  issue,  and  then  the  country 
would  see  a  repetition  of  what  happened  after  the 
death  of  William  III.  There  was  not  yet  a  well- 
organized  political  party  behind  the  Stadholder,  but 
all  of  a  sudden  it  was  discovered  that  a  large  ma- 
jority of  the  people  felt  the  same  way  about  cer- 
tain things.  In  order  to  save  the  country  from  the 


134    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

disastrous  system  caused  by  the  rule  of  a  few  privi- 
leged families,  it  was  felt  in  a  general  and  vague  way 
that  certain  fundamental  changes  had  to  be  insti- 
tuted. To  be  more  concise,  it  was  found  that  the 
majority  of  the  people  were  in  favor  of  a  more  cen- 
tralized systemon  aconstitutional-monarchial  basis. 

A  great  many  contemporary  historians  of  this 
period  talk  about  the  uprisings  and  the  popular 
enthusiasm  of  the  "mob,"  "the  Plebs,"  "the  pro- 
fanum  vulgus.'*  No  doubt,  that  element  made  itself 
the  most  conspicuous.  But  behind  it  all  there  was 
a  very  sound  popular  feeling  that  a  change  in  the 
general  construction  of  the  Republic's  political  sys- 
tem was  eminently  necessary  and  that  William  IV, 
as  the  man  who  had  been  put  into  office  as  the 
candidate  of  the  reform  party,  had  to  be  given  great 
power  in  order  to  be  able  to  bring  about  the  much- 
desired  reforms.  Accordingly,  on  the  7th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1747,  William  was  made  hereditary  Stadholder 
of  all  the  seven  provinces  with  a  power  which  made 
him  practically  the  sovereign  ruler  of  the  Republic. 

It  was  now  William's  turn  to  fulfill  the  obhgations 
which  he  owed  to  those  who,  through  their  direct 
pressure,  had  given  him  his  power.  But  here  he 
failed  most  hopelessly.  He  had  none  of  the  gifts  of 
a  true  reformer.  He  might  have  made  a  faithful 
and  patient  executive.  But  he  lacked  all  initiative, 
and  he  soon  gave  up  trying  to  perform  a  task  which 
was  utterly  beyond  his  strength.  In  the  parlance 
of  modern  American  life,  "  He  failed  to  make  good." 


WILLIAM  IV  135 

As  we  have  said  before,  during  the  last  fifty  years 
several  evils  had  developed  in  political  life  which 
demanded  immediate  correction.  First  of  all,  the 
postal  system  was  in  a  bad  condition.  We  have  seen 
how  the  postal  companies  were  private  enterprises, 
and  how  their  revenues  were  not  used  for  the  public 
benefit,  but  went  into  the  pockets  of  the  local  Re- 
gents who  happened  to  make  up  the  town  govern- 
ment and  control  the  political  jobs.  These  revenues 
often  amounted  to  large  sums.  In  Amsterdam  they 
were  no  less  than  two  hundred  thousand  guilders 
yearly,  in  the  Hague  they  were  almost  forty  thou- 
sand guilders.  Now  there  had  long  been  a  feeling 
that  this  was  not  as  it  should  be;  that  the  revenues 
of  the  postal  companies  ought  not  to  serve  to  en- 
rich a  few  private  individuals.  Therefore,  the  peo- 
ple demanded  that  the  whole  postal  system  should 
come  directly  under  the  control  of  the  Stadholder, 
and  that  its  revenues  should  go  into  the  pubHc 
treasurJ^ 

As  most  of  the  supporters  of  the  Prince  were 
found  among  the  middle  classes,  we  are  not  aston- 
ished to  find  them  demanding  that  something  be 
done  for  the  guilds.  From  a  political-economic 
standpoint  this  demand  offered  little  hope  of  suc- 
cess. The  days  of  the  guilds  were  gone  by.  Indi- 
vidualism in  commerce  and  trade,  and  hberty  in 
handwork,  were  becoming  the  keynote  of  the  indus- 
trial situation.  The  people,  however,  did  not  see 
these  things  as  we  do  now;  they  only  knew  how, 


136    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

under  the  Regents,  the  guilds  were  gradually  losing 
all  the  influence  and  the  control  over  the  affairs  of 
the  town  and  the  province  which  they  had  formerly 
enjoyed.  Hence  they  hoped  that  interference  by 
the  new  stadholder  would  be  suflScient  to  revive 
what  was  economically  destined  to  perish. 

Another  important  demand  was  expressed  in  re- 
lation to  the  civic  militia.  Formerly  this  militia  had 
elected  its  own  oflficers.  Gradually  the  vacancies 
in  the  corps  of  officers  had  been  filled  by  the  Re- 
gents with  their  own  supporters.  In  this  way,  so 
the  people  feared,  the  militia  would  eventually  be- 
come too  much  influenced  by  the  ruling  classes  and 
might  be  used  by  them  in  case  of  political  disturb- 
ances. Therefore  the  people  demanded  that  the 
militia  again  be  allowed  to  elect  their  officers  with- 
out any  interference  on  the  part  of  the  town  hall. 

Finally,  there  were  many  and  loud  complaints 
about  the  way  in  which  the  taxes  were  being  col- 
lected. The  taxes  were  high,  as  we  have  seen,  but 
not  exorbitant.  They  were  not  levied  by  the  gov- 
ernment directly,  but  were  farmed  out  to  tax-col- 
lectors. These  gentlemen  maintained  that  reputa- 
tion for  meanness  and  cruelty  which  they  have 
enjoyed  since  the  earliest  days  of  human  history. 
Would  the  Stadholder  kindly  see  to  it  that  a  change 
for  the  good  was  made  in  this  unsavory  business  .'^ 
Yes,  His  Highness  would  see  to  everything;  but 
would  the  people  please  give  him  a  few  weeks'  time 
to  get  familiar  with  his  new  surroundings?    The 


WILLIAM  IV  137 

people  gave  him  a  few  weeks  and  the  weeks  changed 
into  months  and  the  months  changed  into  years 
and  nothing  was  ever  done. 

It  is  true  a  few  changes  were  made  in  the  postal 
system.  The  revenue  derived  therefrom  now  flowed 
into  the  provincial  treasury.  A  few  other  reforms 
were  begun,  but  never  finished.  Others  were  never 
begun  at  all.  Several  of  the  most  objectionable  Re- 
gents were  removed  from  office.  But  their  places 
were  immediately  taken  by  others  from  the  same 
class.  The  men  changed,  but  the  system  remained 
the  same.  After  the  many  lean  years  the  Regents 
who  were  partisans  of  Orange  were  now  allowed  to 
graze  for  a  while  on  the  fields  of  private  privilege, 
and  the  Regents  of  the  Anti-Orange  party  were 
politely  requested  to  remove  themselves  temporarily 
from  those  blessed  fields  and  to  enjoy  what  the  fat 
years  had  just  brought  them. 

As  to  the  popular  demands,  they  were  speedily 
forgotten.  Of  course,  we  could  hardly  have  ex- 
pected William  IV  to  institute  a  modern  democratic 
form  of  government.  Such  a  change  would  have 
been  an  impossibility,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  was 
not  wanted  by  anybody.  There  was  only  one 
country  which  had  something  resembling  popular 
government,  and  that  was  England.  But  England 
was  at  that  particular  moment  possessed  of  such 
corrupt  politics  that  nobody  cared  to  flatter  it  by 
an  imitation  of  its  system.  What  the  Stadholder 
could  have  done,  however,  was  to  assure  himself 


138    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  the  cooperation  of  the  large  intelligent  classes 
which  still  remained  excluded  from  all  influence  in 
political  matters.  Neither  they  nor  the  common 
people  were  any  better  off  than  before. 

Gradually  the  people  discovered  that  their  re- 
form candidate,  from  whom  they  had  expected  such 
great  things,  was  no  better  than  the  men  whom 
he  had  supplanted.  The  people  turned  away  from 
the  Stadholder,  and  their  disappointment  changed 
their  love  into  hatred.  Was  it  for  this  that  they  had 
given  themselves  all  this  trouble  of  bringing  about 
his  election?  they  asked,  when  they  saw  how  the 
Prince  drew  his  chief  advisers  exclusively  from 
among  the  Regents  and  how  he  surrounded  himself 
with  ultra-conservative  members  of  the  Frisian 
nobility. 

The  polite  and  hesitating  way  in  which  the  Stad- 
holder removed  such  members  of  the  town  govern- 
ment as  had  to  be  dismissed  in  order  to  appease 
the  popular  demand  for  revenge,  did  as  much  harm 
to  his  reputation  as  if  he  had  never  removed  them 
at  all.  Furthermore,  it  seemed  that  the  Prince 
would  never  get  over  apologizing  to  these  victims 
of  the  popular  wrath,  explaining  how  really  and 
truly  it  was  not  his  fault  that  they  had  to  retire,  and 
that  he  had  acted  much  against  his  own  taste  in  the 
matter;  and  would  they  please  not  be  cross  with 
him?  Whereupon  he  was  apt  to  go  and  dine  with 
them,  to  show  them  that  there  was  no  hard  feeling 
on  his  part  at  all. 


ILLUMINATION   OF   AMSTERDAM    TOWN    HALL    FOR    THE 

After  an  engra- 


1 TE   VISIT   OF   WILLIAM   V    AND    HIS   WIFE,    MAY   3,  1768 
by  S.  Fokke 


WILLIAM  IV  139 

The  young  Prince  ruled  only  a  few  years,  but  in 
those  few  years  he  showed  decisively  that  he  had  no 
understanding  whatsoever  of  his  actual  position  or 
of  the  things  that  were  reasonably  expected  of  him. 
He  did  his  very  best  according  to  his  own  lights 
and  was  surprised  to  discover  himself  a  failure. 
Gradually  he  was  driven  into  the  small  party  of 
Orangist  Regents,  who,  through  his  own  appoint- 
ment, had  been  returned  to  power.  But  this  party 
had  no  longer  the  support  of  the  large  masses  of 
Orangist  citizens.  These  now  went  their  own  way. 
They  did  not  at  once  form  a  regular  party  as  we  un- 
derstand political  parties,  but  they  held  aloof  from 
the  Stadholder  and  showed  him  in  many  direct  and 
indirect  ways  that  he  no  longer  had  their  support. 

Wherefore  by  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury the  Republic  was  divided  into  three  political 
parties,  defined  very  vaguely,  but  existing  never- 
theless as  separate  political  bodies.  First  of  all 
there  were  the  supporters  of  the  policy  of  decen- 
tralization, the  party  of  the  Estates,  the  Regents. 
Secondly,  there  was  the  Stadholder  and  a  few  lead- 
ing Orangist  families  who  wanted  centralization, 
but  primarily  for  the  benefit  of  the  Prince  and  of 
themselves.  Thirdly,  there  was  the  large  mass  of 
the  people  who  wanted  a  change  towards  central- 
ization and  an  escape  from  the  prevalent  chaotic 
condition.  These  found  themselves  deserted  by 
their  chosen  leader  and  now  drifted  about  without 
any  guidance. 


140    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

In  the  year  1748  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Succes- 
sion ended.  There  was  now  no  longer  any  danger 
of  foreign  invasion.  The  Prince,  who  for  decency's 
sake  had  gone  to  the  field  of  action,  returned  and 
went  to  his  labors  as  general  stadholder.  It  can- 
not be  denied  that  he  worked  hard.  He  tried  to  in- 
troduce some  necessary  reforms  in  order  to  stay 
the  rapid  decline  of  commerce.  He  even  got  up  a 
very  valuable  collection  of  suggestions  which  were 
presented  to  the  Estates  General  for  their  consid- 
eration, but  were  promptly  lost  in  that  unprofitable 
desert  of  "  future  consideration." 

But  in  all  such  matters  the  Prince  was  wont  to 
lose  himself  in  details,  to  err  from  the  broad  way 
that  led  to  somewhere  in  order  to  investigate  the 
bypaths  that  led  to  nowhere  in  particular.  His 
health  had  never  been  very  good.  The  attacks 
which  he  began  to  suffer  from  all  sides  bothered 
him  a  great  deal.  According  to  his  own  lights  he 
did  the  very  best  he  could.  That  this  very  best  was 
not  pleasing  to  his  subjects  was  a  matter  of  grief  to 
him,  and  quite  as  inexplicable  as  it  was  painful  to 
his  self-respect. 

In  less  than  three  years  it  seemed  that  he  was 
exhausted  and  would  not  be  able  to  go  on  with  his 
task.  In  September  of  1751,  his  physicians  sent 
him  to  Aix-les-Bains  for  a  cure.  Somewhat  im- 
proved in  health  he  returned.  But  in  October  of  the 
same  year  he  fell  sick  again;  this  time  of  erysipelas. 
Usually  this  is  not  a  deadly  disease,  but  his  weak 


WILLIAM  IV  141 

constitution  could  not  stand  the  strain.  On  the  22d 
of  October,  1751,  William  suddenly  died.  The  man 
who  four  years  before  had  been  hailed  as  the 
Father  of  his  Country  was  buried  amidst  general 
indifference.  Even  the  faithful  orthodox  preachers, 
who  were  on  the  side  of  the  House  of  Orange  through 
all  vicissitudes,  did  not  know  what  to  say  in  their 
funeral  orations.  When  there  was  talk  about  a  gen- 
eral mourning  in  respect  to  his  memory,  many 
voices  were  raised  in  protest.  What  was  there  to 
mourn  about.'* 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  PRINCESS  ANNA 

When  William  IV  died  he  left  a  daughter  and  a 
son.  The  latter  was  just  three  years  old.  The 
actual  government  went,  therefore,  into  the  hands 
of  his  widow,  the  Princess  Anna  of  Hannover, 
daughter  of  King  George  II  of  England.  For  eight 
years,  until  the  time  of  her  death  in  1759,  Anna  was 
the  Regent  of  the  country,  or,  as  she  was  commonly 
called,  the  "Governess." 

These  eight  years  were  most  unfortunate,  not 
only  for  the  country,  but  more  especially  for  the 
Governess  herself.  The  English  Princess  had  never 
been  very  happy  in  the  land  of  her  adoption.  Hos- 
pitality towards  strangers  was  not  a  common  virtue 
in  a  country  of  such  pronounced  provincial  views. 
But  the  Princess  suffered  under  other  grievances. 
She  was  of  royal  blood  and  accustomed  to  be  the 
first  in  the  land  of  her  birth.  In  the  Republic  the 
position  of  her  husband  had  always  been  a  doubtful 
one;  for  although  he  was  the  chief  executive  of 
the  Republic,  he  was  technically  the  servant  of  the 
estates  of  the  provinces  which  had  appointed  him 
their  stadholder.  Hence  there  occurred  continual 
unpleasantnesses.  The  wives  of  the  members  of  the 
estates  expected  her  to  call  on  them  first.    The 


THE  PRINCESS  ANNA  143 

Stadholder,  so  they  maintained,  was  an  employee 
of  their  husbands,  and  his  wife  should  remember  this 
fact.  Only  after  a  lengthy  argument  were  they  at 
last  induced  to  present  their  cards  at  the  House  in 
the  Woods  before  the  Princess  had  honored  them 
with  her  visit.  The  rich  middle  classes  never  omit- 
ted to  show  the  Princess  exactly  what  her  position 
in  this  free  Republic  was.  The  fact  that  she  was  of 
royal  blood  was  not  going  to  make  any  difference. 
On  the  contrary,  it  only  provoked  hostility  and 
distrust. 

But  much  of  her  unhappiness  the  Princess  owed 
to  her  own  pecuUar  characteristics.  The  first  thing 
for  her  to  do  would  have  been  to  found  a  party 
around  herself  and  her  small  son.  There  were  still 
many  people  anxious  to  support  the  Stadholder 
with  great  loyalty.  But  the  Princess  failed  to  see 
the  necessity  of  rallying  them  around  her.  She  did 
not  like  most  people  whom  she  met,  and  she  rarely 
trusted  them.  Whenever  a  perfectly  disinterested 
person  offered  to  give  her  sound  counsel,  she  was 
wont  to  distrust  this  person's  motives  and  in  con- 
sequence accepted  his  advice  with  ill  grace.  Many 
of  the  old  nobility  who  had  remained  faithful  to  the 
House  of  Orange  she  estranged  by  her  very  proud 
and  haughty  behavior.  She  soon  found  herself  de- 
serted except  by  a  few  inferior  persons  who  were 
willing  to  flatter  her  and  who  told  her  only  what  she 
liked  to  hear. 

To  make  matters  worse,  the  Princess  was  on 


144    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

very  bad  terms  with  her  mother-in-law.  This  old 
lady  had  remained  in  Leeuwarden,  and  from  there 
she  was  continually  intriguing  against  her  Brit- 
ish daughter-in-law.  The  two  princesses  had  never 
been  on  good  terms.  In  the  first  place,  the  old 
Princess,  who  had  been  wrapped  up  in  the  life  and 
the  career  of  her  son,  naturally  disliked  to  see  an- 
other woman  take  so  much  of  the  place  in  her 
son's  life  which  formerly  had  belonged  to  herself. 
Furthermore,  the  characters  of  the  two  women 
were  entirely  different,  and  the  old  one  had  seen  the 
young  one's  departure  to  the  Hague  with  scarcely 
hidden  pleasure. 

No  sooner  had  William  IV  died  than  the  old 
mother  in  Leeuwarden  began  to  worry  about  the 
way  in  which  her  grandchildren  in  the  Hague  were 
being  educated.  The  German  could  not  possibly 
approve  of  the  British  methods.  The  grandmother 
unfortunately  allowed  herself  to  be  guided  by  her 
prejudices  and  started  to  intrigue  openly  against 
her  daughter-in-law.  In  this  she  was  actively  sup- 
ported by  the  old  Frisian  nobility.  For  almost  half 
a  century  these  people  had  formed  the  only  court  in 
the  Republic.  Now  there  was  another  and  a  much 
more  brilliant  court  in  the  Hague,  and  they  did  not 
like  it.  They  no  longer  played  such  an  important 
r61e  in  the  councils  of  the  House  of  Orange  as 
formerly,  and  they  felt  themselves  reduced  to  the 
second  rank.  Of  course  they  might  easily  have  ob- 
tained positions  at  the  court  of  the  Hague,  but. 


THE  PRINCESS  ANNA  145 

being  of  an  intensely  provincial  nature  and  having 
the  ordinary  feudal  dislike  of  anything  commercial, 
they  preferred  to  stay  in  their  own  little  city. 

The  first  manifestations  of  this  opposition  from 
the  north  came  when  a  proposal  was  made  in  the 
Estates  General  to  appoint  a  board  of  tutors  for  the 
small  Prince,  in  which  all  of  the  relatives  should  be 
represented.  The  formation  of  such  a  board  would 
have  given  the  grandmother  as  much  influence  over 
the  education  of  her  grandchildren  as  she  had  exer- 
cised over  that  of  their  father  before  them.  But,  as 
we  have  seen  before,  the  people  in  Holland  recipro- 
cated the  sentiments  which  the  north  felt  towards 
them,  and  they  had  no  desire  to  oblige  their  Frisian 
compatriots  in  any  way  or  to  give  them  a  chance 
to  educate  the  Prince;  they  intended  to  shape  him 
after  their  own  pattern.  The  board  of  tutors  was 
never  appointed,  but  the  episode  suflSced  to  show 
to  everybody  that  there  was  no  cooperation  in  the 
camp  of  the  Stadholder,  and  in  this  way  it  did  great 
damage  to  the  cause  of  the  little  Prince. 

Other  mistakes  were  soon  to  follow.  There  had 
always  been  many  people  who  felt  that  the  Stad- 
holder was  responsible  for  too  many  things,  that 
he  could  not  well  attend  to  all  matters  that  were 
brought  to  his  attention,  and  that  he  ought  to  have 
a  corps  of  assistants,  who  should  act  as  his  secre- 
taries and  who  should  form  what  we  might  call  a 
responsible  ministry.  In  this  way  the  Stadholder 
would  be  allowed  the  necessary  time  for  attending 


146    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

to  matters  of  more  importance  than  the  accounting 
of  some  insignificant  bills  or  the  appointment  of 
a  burgomaster  somewhere  in  a  country  district. 
William  IV  had  never  had  time  to  listen  to  this 
proposition,  being  too  busy  with  just  the  sort  of 
detail  which  he  ought  to  have  left  to  the  care  of  a 
subaltern. 

Several  of  the  wisest  councillors  of  the  party  now 
made  similar  proposals  to  the  Governess.  The 
Count  of  Bentinck,  a  stanch  supporter  of  the  House 
of  Orange,  made  a  voluminous  report  upon  this  mat- 
ter. The  report,  however,  was  respectfully  put  on 
the  table.  Bentinck,  who  was  not  the  sort  of  man 
who  liked  to  see  his  advice  treated  that  way,  retired 
to  his  estates  and  was  seen  no  more  in  the  councils 
of  the  Princess. 

But,  after  all,  as  the  Princess  was  not  familiar 
enough  with  political  conditions  in  the  Republic 
to  do  everything  herself,  she  was  more  and  more 
obliged  to  leave  the  management  of  her  affairs  to 
little  secretaries,  obscure  persons  who  served  the 
interest  of  the  stadholders  and  those  of  their  own 
families  with  the  greatest  impartiality. 

With  men  like  Bentinck  and  his  friends  out  of  the 
way,  the  Regents  now  descended  upon  the  helpless 
family.  They  cleverly  managed  to  make  themselves 
indispensable  to  the  Princess,  who  was  floating 
around  without  any  guidance.  Not  that  they  had 
suddenly  grown  into  supporters  of  the  Stadholder. 
On  the  contrary,  this  exalted  office  was  just  as  objee- 


THE  PRINCESS  ANNA  147 

tionable  an  institution  to  them  now  as  it  ever  had 
been  before.  But  so  long  as  there  was  going  to  be  a 
stadholder  anyway,  it  was  most  clearly  in  their  own 
interest  to  have  the  greatest  possible  influence  upon 
that  dignitary. 

After  a  few  years  there  was  but  one  person  left 
within  the  eiitourage  of  the  Princess  who  could  be 
expected  to  serve  her  in  a  more  or  less  impartial 
way.  This  was  the  Duke  of  Brunswick.^®  His 
Serene  Highness  Louis  Ernest  Duke  of  Brunswick 
Wolfenbuettel  plays  a  curious  role  in  the  history  of 
the  Republic.  He  started  life  as  a  German  prince. 
Then  for  many  years  he  was  an  Austrian  field- 
marshal.  After  that  he  was  commander-in-chief  of 
the  Dutch  armies  and  practical  dictator  of  the 
Republic.  The  last  years  of  his  life  he  spent  again 
in  Germany,  where  he  died  in  the  ancestral  family 
castle.  He  was  born  September  25,  1718.  He  be- 
longed to  a  large  but  poor  family,  and  as  such  had  to 
look  for  a  career  abroad.  He  entered  the  Austrian 
military  service  and  served  for  three  years  under 
Seckendorff  in  the  war  against  the  Turks.  In  1747, 
Maria  Theresa  made  him  a  field-marshal  as  a  re- 
ward for  his  services.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the 
War  of  the  Austrian  Succession,  and  was  wounded 
so  badly  that  the  surgeons  despaired  of  his  life. 
But  he  survived  this  experience  and  was  sent  to  re- 
cuperate for  a  while  in  Aix. 

TVTiile  the  Duke  was  in  Aix,  the  French  invaded 
Belgium,  and  as  he  was  near  the  seat  of  war  he  was 


148    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

sent  at  the  head  of  an  army  to  Dutch  Flanders. 
There  he  met  WiUiam  IV,  who  had  just  been  made 
stadholder,  and  who  was  now  inspecting  the  means 
of  defense  along  the  frontier.  He  seems  to  have 
made  such  a  deep  impression  upon  the  Stadholder 
that  William  tried  at  once  to  induce  him  to  enter 
his  own  employment.  It  took  quite  a  lot  of  persua- 
sion to  induce  Maria  Theresa  to  allow  her  general 
to  change  his  allegiance,  but  at  last  this  was  accom- 
plished and  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  went  to  Holland 
in  order  to  reorganize  the  Dutch  armies. 

We  must  confess  that  we  do  not  know  entirely 
what  to  make  of  the  man.  Few  people  who  have 
played  a  r61e  in  Dutch  history  have  been  written 
about  so  much.  A  whole  collection  of  pamphlets 
exists  about  this  one  individual.  He  has  been  cari- 
catured and  lampooned  numberless  times.  About 
few  people  have  such  infamous  things  been  said  and 
printed  as  were  said  and  printed  openly  about  the 
"Fat  Duke."  During  the  last  years  of  his  life  he 
hired  a  German  professor  to  write  his  biography, 
and  he  tried  to  defend  himself  against  much  that 
had  been  said  against  him.  The  professor  had  a 
minute  diary  in  six  big  volumes  from  which  to  draw 
his  information.^^  But  this  apologia  pro  vita  did  not 
help  him  in  the  least.  For  more  than  a  century  the 
Fat  Duke  remained  the  scapegoat  for  everything 
that  had  gone  wrong  in  the  Republic.  It  was  he,  so 
it  was  said,  who  had  corrupted  William  V  morally 
and  physically  and  who  had  turned  the  Prince's 


THE  PRINCESS  ANNA  149 

brilliant  gifts  into  idiocy  in  order  that  he  might  re- 
tain his  influence  over  the  helpless  creature,  etc.,  etc. 

During  the  last  twenty  years  an  attempt  has  been 
made  to  rehabilitate  the  Duke  —  to  prove  that  his 
contemporaries  treated  him  with  great  and  unde- 
served ingratitude  and  tried  to  hide  their  own  sins 
by  pointing  to  those  of  the  Prince's  most  trusted 
adviser.  An  attempt  has  also  been  made  to  prove 
that  the  Duke  was  the  only  man  who,  under  given 
circumstances,  might  have  saved  the  Republic  from 
destruction.  As  is  usually  the  case,  the  truth  will 
be  somewhere  between  the  two  extremes. 

A  man  who,  during  twenty  years,  maintained  him- 
self at  the  head  of  such  an  ungovernable  country  as 
the  Republic,  may  have  been  everything  else,  but  he 
could  not  have  been  a  fool.  Furthermore,  he  must 
have  had  good  mental  qualities,  for  he  could  not  im- 
press those  around  him  by  his  physical  superiority. 
He  was  quite  extraordinarily  ugly,  and  in  middle 
life  he  grew  so  fat  that  he  could  hardly  mount  a 
horse,  and  his  figure  became  the  standing  joke  of  the 
army  and  of  the  people  in  general.  From  childhood 
he  had  stammered.  As  he  grew  older,  his  stam- 
mering grew  worse,  and  the  difficulty  he  experi- 
enced in  expressing  himself  distinctly  and  clearly 
made  it  very  hard  for  most  people  to  understand 
what  he  was  really  talking  about. 

All  his  enemies,  however,  agree  that  he  thor- 
oughly understood  human  nature  and  that  he  had 
great  ability  as  a  political  manager.    Among  the 


150    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

many  small  politicians  whom  the  Republic  pro- 
duced, this  man,  who  came  to  them  from  the  *'big 
world,"  who,  from  his  earliest  age  on,  had  been  ac- 
customed to  the  ways  of  the  great  Austrian  court, 
and  who  had  all  his  life  been  involved  in  some  inter- 
national intrigue  or  other,  stood  forth  as  the  only 
person  who  clearly  comprehended  the  small  game 
that  was  being  played  all  around  him. 

As  to  his  military  capacities,  which  his  contemp- 
oraries derided  with  such  delight,  they  must  have 
been  in  evidence  at  some  time  or  other.  Of  course  it 
frequently  occurred  that  princes  of  the  blood  were 
made  field-marshals  just  on  general  principles.  But 
such  soldiers  rarely  ventured  forth  into  a  war  on 
the  heathen  Turk  or  into  the  bloody  War  of  the 
Austrian  Succession.  The  fact  that  Maria  Theresa 
let  the  Duke  go  to  the  Republic  only  after  a  long 
period  of  hesitation  also  seems  to  indicate  that  she 
believed  his  services  to  be  valuable. 

It  is  true  that  after  he  once  got  to  Holland  the 
Duke  never  had  much  chance  to  show  what  he  was 
worth  as  a  soldier.  He  clearly  saw  that  the  neg- 
lected Dutch  army,  under  the  existing  circum- 
stances, was  past  the  stage  of  remedy,  and  he  never 
even  tried  to  introduce  reforms.  His  principal  duty 
he  considered  to  consist  in  serving  William  IV,  his 
widow,  and  later  on  his  son,  as  a  general  political 
adviser.  That  he  played  this  r61e  entirely  out  of 
Platonic  devotion  to  the  House  of  Orange  is  as 
little  true  as  the  claim,  made  by  some  of  his  con- 


THE  PRINCESS  ANNA  151 

temporaries,  that  he  entered  the  service  of  the 
Republic  in  order  to  ruin  the  country  and  thereby 
obhge  her  foreign  enemies.  We  think  that  the  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  is  a  much  simpler  one.  The 
Duke  was  an  impecunious  httle  German  prince  and 
he  had  to  make  a  living.  The  Republic  paid  him  at 
first  twenty  thousand  and  later  on  sixty  thousand 
guilders  a  year  for  his  services.  That  was  a  con- 
siderable compensation,  and  for  this  reason  the 
Duke  came  and  for  this  reason  he  stayed  on. 

On  the  whole,  however,  the  former  field-marshal 
did  his  duty  well  and  served  his  masters  faithfully. 
Without  his  particular  services  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  the  Princes  of  Orange  could  have  main- 
tained themselves  as  long  as  they  actually  did. 
Until  the  end  of  his  life,  William  IV  had  the  most 
complete  faith  in  the  devotion  of  the  Duke.  But 
no  sooner  had  William  died  than  the  Duke  found 
himself  in  a  difficult  position.  The  Governess  did 
not  care  for  him  at  all.  The  fact  that  first  the 
Estates  of  Holland  and  then  those  of  the  other 
provinces  had  made  provisions  to  have  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick  appointed  as  the  guardian  of  William  V, 
in  case  the  Governess  should  die  before  her  son 
came  of  age,  was  not  conducive  to  a  better  under- 
standing between  her  Royal  Highness  and  her  late 
husband's  protege. 

Neither  did  the  English  Princess  like  to  confess 
her  inferiority  in  pohtical  sagacity  by  asking  the 
advice  of  a  little  German  Duke.   But,  as  we  have 


152    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

seen,  after  a  few  years  the  Duke  was  the  only  per- 
son at  the  Httle  court  in  the  Hague  who  seemed  to 
know  what  he  wanted.  Furthermore,  he  was  the 
only  one  without  sons  and  nephews  and  cousins  for 
whom  he  had  to  provide,  and  thereby  he  was  in 
pleasant  contrast  to  the  other  courtiers,  who  were 
all  working  hard  looking  after  the  interests  of  their 
own  families.  Gradually  the  Princess  was  obhged 
to  go  to  the  Duke  whenever  she  really  needed  any- 
thing done.  The  Duke  never  forced  his  advice  upon 
her,  and  was  clever  enough  to  make  her  believe  that 
whatever  he  proposed  had  emanated  from  her  own 
brain.  In  this  way  after  a  short  while  he  managed 
to  remove  all  distrust  on  the  part  of  the  Princess, 
and  the  relations  between  the  Governess  and  the 
Duke  became  mutually  friendly  and  helpful  and 
remained  so  until  the  death  of  the  former. 

But  even  with  his  support  the  Princess  experi- 
enced diflBcult  years.  A  good  many .  industries 
which  had  been  languishing  for  a  long  time  now 
went  out  of  existence  altogether.  Not  a  single 
month  passed  but  one  or  two  petitions  were  sent 
her  asking  that  something  be  done  for  the  coun- 
try's commercial  interests.  The  merchantmen,  un- 
protected by  a  fleet,  suffered  continual  detention 
by  foreign  nations  and  most  especially  by  England. 
But  where  was  the  Governess  going  to  find  money 
to  build  ships,  when  the  Province  of  Holland,  the 
richest  of  all,  was  seventy  milHons  in  arrears? 

The  situation  was  difficult  enough  when  in  1756 


THE   PRINCESS  ANNA  153 

it  was  made  even  more  precarious  by  the  outbreak 
of  the  Seven  Years'  War.  Soon  all  the  powers  of 
Europe  were  mixed  up  in  this  quarrel.  France  and 
England  began  a  war  on  American  soil  for  colonial 
supremacy  in  the  northern  part  of  the  American 
continent.  Again  the  Republic  was  asked  to  sup- 
port England  according  to  the  stipulations  of  the 
treaty  of  1678.  The  Governess,  as  had  her  husband 
before  her,  supported  the  demands  of  the  English 
government.  That  was  the  moment  for  which  the 
opposition  had  been  waiting.  The  Regents  again 
felt  themselves  strong  enough  to  come  out  in  the 
open  against  the  young  Stadholder  and  his  mother, 
who  was  acting  as  his  guardian  and  as  Regent  of  the 
country.  "  Of  course,"  so  they  said,  **  the  Governess 
is  supporting  the  demand  of  England.  What  else 
could  we  expect  of  an  English  Princess.'^" 

Now  in  this  there  was  no  truth  whatever.  The 
Governess  never  became  unfaithful  to  the  interests 
of  her  adopted  country.  But  she  remembered  how 
much  ill-will  the  halting  attitude  of  the  RepubUc 
had  caused  during  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Suc- 
cession, and  quite  rightly  decided  that  a  country, 
in  order  not  to  perish,  must  stick  to  its  solemn 
promises. 

But  the  opposition  pretended  not  to  believe  in  her 
honest  intentions.  The  fact  that  the  country  was 
experiencing  hard  times  gave  the  opposition  the 
support  of  thousands  of  discontented  merchants, 
who  violently  opposed  the  spending  of  money  on 


154    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

military  preparations.  The  Princess's  supporters 
were  also  reminded  that  on  a  previous  occasion  aid 
to  England  had  meant  war  with  France  and  that  no 
true  patriot  could  wish  to  repeat  such  an  experi- 
ment. It  was  argued  that  this  was  a  colonial  war, 
and  that  no  aid  need  be  given  to  England  as  long  as 
the  fighting  did  not  occur  in  Europe. 

At  this  moment  the  opposition  received  a  valu- 
able ally  in  the  French  ambassador  in  the  Hague. 
The  old  Regime  in  France  may  have  been  guilty  of 
many  sins,  but  it  certainly  produced  very  clever 
diplomats.  The  French  representative  in  the  Re- 
pubhc,  the  Count  d'Affray,  was  one  of  these.  He 
had  been  sent  to  the  RepubHc  with  instructions  to 
do  as  much  damage  as  possible  to  the  friendship 
which  existed  between  the  Republic  and  England, 
and  to  try  to  induce  the  former  to  conclude  a  treaty 
of  friendship  with  France.  Not  that  the  Republic 
was  considered  so  highly  as  a  fighting  power,  but  she 
still  had  lots  of  money,  and  France,  already  on  the 
downward  path  and  on  the  way  to  financial  ruin, 
needed  money  more  than  it  needed  armies. 

The  French  ambassador  had  from  the  very  be- 
ginning turned  towards  the  Regents  and  had 
stayed  away  as  much  as  possible  from  the  court  of 
the  Stadholder.  He  knew  that  material  advantages 
more  than  sentimental  considerations  would  count 
with  his  Dutch  friends.  He,  therefore,  held  out 
very  desirable  visions  of  a  preferential  tariff  which 
might  be  granted  to  the  RepubHc  as  a  reward  for 


THE  PRINCESS  ANNA  155 

good  behavior.  Good  behavior  in  this  case  meant 
another  refusal  to  comply  with  the  stipulation  of  the 
English  treaty.  But  the  day  drew  near  on  which 
England  expected  the  Dutch  aid.  As  the  Republic 
pretended  not  to  possess  the  necessary  ships  with 
which  to  transport  her  six  thousand  auxiliary 
troops,  England  offered  to  send  the  ships  herself. 

In  March,  1751,  English  ships  actually  appeared 
before  the  Dutch  coast.  But  the  Estates  General 
asked  for  further  delay  and  for  more  time  in  which 
to  consider  the  matter.  During  three  whole  weeks 
the  deliberations  went  on.  Then  the  English  com- 
mander grew  tired  of  waiting  any  longer  and  de- 
parted. 

England  considered  the  Republic's  act  as  a  posi- 
tive refusal,  and  henceforth  treated  Dutch  ships 
like  those  of  any  other  foreign  nation  and  searched 
them  and  confiscated  them  without  any  regard  for 
the  feeUngs  of  her  unfaithful  ally.  The  Regents, 
however  (and  the  French  ambassador),  considered 
that  they  had  won  a  great  victory  against  the  Gov- 
erness (and  England),  and  they  seem  to  have  been 
wholly  ignorant  of  the  dangerous  game  they  were 
playing,  nor  do  they  seem  to  have  understood  the 
relative  strength  of  the  two  nations  engaged  in  the 
war. 

But  when  the  war  in  America  went  on  for  many 
years,  and  the  Dutch  merchants  continued  to 
suffer  from  English  privateers,  the  blame  for  all 
their  losses  was  speedily  put  on  the  Governess.  The 


156    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

petitions  for  help  increased,  and  from  all  over  the 
country  delegations  came  to  sing  a  doleful  dirge  of 
the  great  losses  that  were  being  sustained  by  the 
Dutch  business  men.  That  they  and  they  alone 
were  to  blame  for  this  state  of  affairs  seems  not  to 
have  entered  into  their  minds. 

And  while  they  were  complaining  in  Holland 
about  their  terrible  losses,  they  were  doing  a  splen- 
did smuggling  business  in  the  American  colonies. 
Both  sides  needed  powder  and  guns,  and  to  both 
sides  did  the  Dutch  merchants  sell  their  wares.  So 
profitable  was  this  trade  that  it  was  figured  that  if 
three  ships  were  sent  out  and  only  one  arrived  at 
the  port  of  destination,  the  enterprising  merchant 
was  still  well  rewarded  for  his  troubles. 

The  poor  Governess,  abused  from  all  sides  and 
abused  in  a  way  which  greatly  transgressed  all 
standards  of  decent  political  debate,  began  to  show 
signs  of  ill-health.  She  had  never  been  very  robust. 
Like  her  husband  she  had  worked  hard  but  with- 
out system,  and  had  lost  her  strength  on  perfectly 
futile  questions.  On  the  12th  of  January,  1759,  she 
died. 

No  sooner  had  the  Princess  disappeared  from  the 
scene  than  we  notice  a  sudden  cessation  in  the  con- 
tinual stream  of  complaints  from  the  side  of  the 
established  business  interests.  To  all  appearances 
the  Regents  were  going  to  rule  the  country,  at  least 
until  William  V  should  be  of  age.  They  took  good 
care  not  to  continue  their  agitation  for  a  fleet  which 


THE  PRINCESS  ANNA  157 

until  then  they  had  supported  so  vigorously.  Now 
that  they  might  have  to  carry  the  responsibility  for 
the  expenses  thereof  themselves,  they  intimated 
that,  perhaps  after  all,  a  fleet  was  not  absolutely 
necessary. 


CHAPTER  V 

,  THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK 

William  V  was  eleven  years  old  when  his  mother 
died.  Seven  more  years  had  to  elapse  before  he 
would  be  of  age.  In  her  testament  the  Princess 
Anna  had  appointed  her  father,  King  George  II, 
and  her  mother-in-law,  the  Princess  Mary  Louise 
of  Hesse,  guardians  of  the  little  Prince.  As  we  have 
seen  before,  the  Estates  of  Holland  were  interested 
to  keep  their  future  stadholder  under  their  direct 
care;  the  two  august  relatives  were  not  allowed  to 
exercise  anything  but  a  distant  influence,  though  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick,  who  resided  in  the  Hague,  was 
to  be  William's  direct  tutor  and  guardian. 

The  Duke  was  also  made  provisional  commander- 
in-chief  of  both  the  army  and  navy.  It  should  be 
remembered  that  at  that  moment  the  Duke  was 
still  a  favorite  with  the  Regents,  and  used  to  re- 
ceive extraordinary  grants  from  the  different  estates 
in  recognition  of  his  valuable  services  to  the  country. 

There  was  some  diflSculty  about  the  right  of  mak- 
ing civil  and  military  appointments.  This  right 
was  invested  in  the  Stadholder,  and  gave  him  his 
great  power  in  the  councils  of  the  different  cities. 
It  could  not  well  be  exercised  by  a  child  nor  could 
it  be  entrusted  to  a  foreigner.  The  Estates  there- 
fore declared  that  for  the  sake  of  greater  safety 


THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK       159 

this  power  should  revert  into  their  own  hands  until 
WiUiam  should  become  of  age.  As  there  was  now 
nobody  who  could  successfully  oppose  the  Estates, 
they  saw  their  wishes  fulfilled.  For  the  next  seven 
years  the  combined  legislative  and  executive  power 
was  once  more  in  the  hands  of  the  Regents. 

In  Friesland,  however,  the  Princess  Mary  main- 
tained an  independent  stadholdership  and  con- 
tinued to  exercise  the  right  of  appointment  until 
the  day  that  her  grandchild  became  eighteen  years 
of  age. 

Several  years  before,  at  the  death  of  William  IV, 
the  old  Princess  had  at  once  tried  to  replace  her 
daughter-in-law  by  a  board  of  guardians,  in  which 
she  herself  would  have  had  great  influence.  Now 
when  it  appeared  that,  at  least  during  seven  years, 
the  Duke  and  the  Estates  of  Holland  would  con- 
trol the  fate  of  her  small  grandchild,  the  Princess 
Mary  made  another  attempt  to  counteract  their 
influence  by  proposing  a  regency  which  was  to  be 
exercised  by  William's  older  sister,  the  Princess 
Carolina.  This  young  Princess  was  in  her  seven- 
teenth year  and  reputed  to  be  a  good  deal  brighter 
than  her  small  brother.  She  was  engaged  to  be 
married  to  a  German  Prince  of  Nassau- Weilburg. 
(This  Nassau  was  not  a  relative  of  the  Dutch  Nas- 
saus.)  Her  appointment  as  regent  during  her 
brother's  minority  would  of  course  have  allowed 
her  grandmother  to  play  a  leading  role  in  the  affairs 
of  state.  Her  future  marriage  to  a  German  prince 


160    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

would  have  brought  another  foreigner  into  the  af- 
fairs of  the  RepubHc.  With  all  due  respect  to  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick,  no  more  foreigners  were  wanted, 
and  the  plan  was  opposed  from  all  sides. 

The  last  chance  of  success  of  this  plan  was  fin- 
ally destroyed  by  a  most  terrific  scandal,  which 
just  at  this  time  occurred  in  one  of  the  leading 
Friesland  families.  Onno  Zwier  van  Haren,  leader 
of  the  Orangist  party  in  Friesland,  a  great  man  in 
the  local  politics  of  his  province  and  not  without 
influence  in  those  of  the  Republic,  was  accused  by 
his  son-in-law  of  a  most  atrocious  crime.  It  was 
a  most  unsavory  affair,  of  which  to  this  day  we  do 
not  know  the  exact  truth.  And  unfortunately  for 
the  Stadholder  and  his  adherents,  the  van  Haren 
family  insisted  upon  dragging  the  whole  question 
into  a  publicity  which  one  would  have  thought  im- 
possible before  the  day  of  the  "yellow  press."  It 
was  not  long  before  every  citizen  of  the  Republic 
was  convinced  that  there  was  something  rotten  in 
the  most  prominent  family  of  those  regarded  as 
faithful  advisers  of  the  old  Princess  in  Leeuwarden. 
Any  future  attempts  of  Mary  Louise's  adherents 
to  obtain  some  influence  over  affairs  which  in- 
volved the  interest  of  her  grandchildren  could  be 
met  with  references  to  this  unfortunate  occurrence 
and  hints  that  good  government  as  well  as  charity 
began  at  home. 

With  the  grandmother's  power  removed,  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick  had  everything  his  own  way. 


THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK       161 

Later,  when  the  Duke  was  'persona  ingratissima,  his 
enemies  said  that  he  had  started  the  scandal  and 
had  given  it  its  pubhcity  in  order  to  rid  himself  of 
all  interference  with  his  own  educational  methods. 
There  is  no  good  ground  for  the  accusation.  That 
he  was  not  sorry  to  see  van  Haren  disappear  from 
the  scene  of  political  life  is  quite  clear.  The  rela- 
tions between  the  two  had  never  been  cordial,  and 
according  to  all  evidences  this  was  not  so  much  the 
fault  of  the  Duke  as  that  of  van  Haren  himself,  who 
was  quite  unbearable  in  his  pride  and  arrogance. 

As  guardian  of  the  Prince,  the  Duke  saw  that  his 
first  duty  was  to  reorganize  completely  the  finances 
of  his  ward.  Accordingly  he  started  out  to  bring 
some  unity  into  the  administration  of  the  many 
estates  to  which  William,  through  the  death  of  a 
number  of  his  relatives,  had  become  the  sole  heir. 
These  estates  were  spread  all  over  Germany  and 
were  managed  in  a  very  unsatisfactory  way.  The 
Duke  reorganized  them  so  successfully  that  within 
a  few  years  they  produced  an  annual  income  of  two 
million  guilders.  This  sum  made  William  one  of 
the  richest  princes  of  his  time  and  the  richest  man 
by  far  of  his  country. 

As  commander-in-chief,  the  Duke  tried  also  to 
start  a  few  reforms  in  the  army.  The  new  tactics 
used  by  Frederic  the  Great  in  his  wars  with  Austria 
had  caused  an  entire  reversal  of  the  old  methods. 
But  the  Duke  despaired  of  saving  an  army  which 
was  so  evidently  beyond  hope  of  salvation.  He  did 


162    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

not  press  his  reforms,  and  the  few  soldiers  who  were 
still  kept  in  the  service  of  the  RepubUe  were  dis- 
turbed no  more. 

Brunswick  managed  the  internal  politics  of  the 
country  with  a  great  deal  of  skill.  The  fact  that 
the  Regents  were  again  invested  with  the  right  of 
appointment  proved  to  be  very  beneficial  to  the 
cause  of  the  Stadholder.  The  right  of  appointment 
gives  the  possessor  thereof  one  friend  as  against  ten 
enemies.  The  lucky  man  who  gets  the  job  sings  his 
praises.  The  ten  others  who  applied  in  vain  swear 
dire  revenge  and  hasten  to  join  the  opposition. 
As  long  as  the  Stadholder  had  exercised  the  right 
of  appointment  himself,  he  had  come  in  for  the 
personal  hatred  of  the  disappointed  office-seekers. 
Large  numbers  of  this  species  of  implacable  human- 
ity had  gone  over  to  the  Regents.  Now  that  their 
fate  depended  upon  the  Regents,  the  disappointed 
ones  were  again  driven  back  into  the  camp  of  the 
Stadholder.  In  this  way  WilUam  enjoyed  during 
his  youth  a  peace  of  mind  and  a  popularity  which 
he  was  never  to  know  after  he  had  celebrated  his 
sixteenth  birthday. 

As  for  questions  of  foreign  policy,  they  did  not 
come  up  during  the  period  from  1759  to  1766.  The 
Estates  General  carefully  kept  the  country  out 
of  all  international  complications.  England  con- 
tinued to  search  Dutch  ships  and  confiscate  Dutch 
goods  whenever  these  were  considered  to  be  contra- 
band of  war.  The  only  remedy  against  this  treat- 


THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK       163 

ment  would  have  been  the  possession  of  a  strong 
fleet.  But  nobody  was  willing  to  pay  for  such  a 
fleet,  and  instead  of  defending  themselves  honor- 
ably, the  Dutch  merchants  continued  to  make  up 
their  deficit  by  extending  their  smuggling  opera- 
tions. 

On  the  8th  of  March,  1766,  Wilham  V  came  of 
age,  and  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  retired  from  his 
position  as  guardian  of  the  Prince.  It  was  consid- 
ered that  he  had  done  his  duty  towards  his  ward 
and  towards  the  country  so  well  that  the  Estates 
General  thanked  him  oflScially  for  his  valuable  serv- 
ices and  presented  him  with  six  hundred  thousand 
guilders,  to  which  sum  all  the  provinces  contrib- 
uted. The  Estates  General  also  instructed  the 
Republic's  representative  in  Vienna  to  try  to  in- 
duce Maria  Theresa  to  allow  her  field-marshal  to  re- 
main a  few  years  more  in  the  service  of  the  United 
Netherlands.  After  some  hesitation  the  Empress 
gave  her  consent,  and  though  Brunswick  was  no 
longer  guardian  he  continued  to  direct  the  affairs 
of  the  young  Stadholder  as  if  the  Prince  were  still 
a  minor. 

Jorissen,  in  his  excellent  biography  of  William  V, 
refutes  the  often  repeated  statement  that  Bruns- 
wick must  have  corrupted  the  child  who  was  en- 
trusted to  his  care  and  must  have  kept  the  boy  back- 
ward so  that  he  would  be  able  to  exercise  greater 
influence  over  him.  "It  has  never  been  proved,"  so 
Jorissen  says,  "that  William,_even  under  the  most 


164    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

eflScient  of  pedagogues,  could  have  been  changed 
into  anything  else  from  what  he  finally  turned  out 
to  be." 

William  V  was  exactly  what  we  could  have  ex- 
pected of  the  child  of  his  parents.  Neither  his  fa- 
ther nor  his  mother  had  been  strong  physically  or  of 
imposing  appearance.  His  mother  had  always  car- 
ried the  signs  of  the  smallpox,  which  had  destroyed 
her  good  looks  when  she  was  a  child.  His  father, 
who  had  suffered  from  epileptic  fits  when  a  child, 
had  been  an  insignificant  looking  personage,  with- 
out much  vigor  or  physical  endurance. 

William  V  inherited  the  physical  weaknesses  of 
his  parents.  He  was  easily  fatigued  and  became 
sleepy  after  the  slightest  exertion.  He  was  clumsy 
in  appearance,  and  apparently  did  not  know  what 
to  do  with  his  hands  and  feet.  This  clumsiness  may 
have  been  the  result  of  shyness.  It  was  shyness 
which  kept  him  smiling  when  he  did  not  intend  to 
smile  at  all.  In  conversation  he  was  apt  to  bluster, 
and  his  perpetual  grin  made  people  think  him  a 
good  deal  less  intelligent  than  he  actually  was. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Prince  possessed  a 
certain  sort  of  intelligence,  but  unfortunately  it  was 
a  sort  which  did  not  do  him  the  slightest  good. 
Like  most  of  his  ancestors  he  was  very  fond  of 
mathematical  studies,  and  he  had  more  than  ordin- 
ary ability  in  this  line  of  work.  This  mathematical 
turn  of  mind  had  been  of  great  use  to  such  generals 
as  Maurice  or  Frederick  Henry,  but  William  V  had 


THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK       165 

little  chance  to  apply  his  knowledge  to  the  solution 
of  strategical  problems.  His  great  power  of  mem- 
ory he  merely  used  to  fill  his  brain  with  all  sorts  of 
miscellaneous  knowledge.  But  as  he  never  had  ac- 
quired the  art  of  forgetting  things,  his  brain  soon 
resembled  a  storehouse,  so  full  of  all  sorts  of  art- 
icles that  whenever  something  was  needed,  it  could 
not  be  found  anywhere  except  after  prolonged 
search. 

The  Prince  had  an  innate  love  of  detail.  He 
wanted  to  attend  to  everything  himself  and  to  in- 
vestigate the  smallest  items  of  the  questions  which 
came  up  for  his  decision.  Great  statesmen  have 
usually  been  able  to  accomplish  much  because  they 
knew  how  to  choose  their  subordinates  and  were 
wise  enough  to  leave  all  the  non-essential  things  to 
these  assistants.  William,  on  the  contrary,  never 
left  anything  to  the  decision  of  his  advisers  except 
the  large  questions  of  state.  As  he  had  very  little 
knowledge  of  human  nature,  and  was  unable  to 
judge  the  character  of  those  whom  he  called  into  his 
councils,  the  large  questions  were  apt  to  be  decided 
in  a  way  most  harmful  to  the  prestige  of  the  Stad- 
holder.  As  one  of  his  contemporaries  said,  "The 
Prince  has  but  one  system.  It  consists  in  doing 
everything  unsystematically."  The  Stadholder 
spent  most  of  his  life  in  doing  things  which  could 
have  been  done  quite  as  eflSciently  by  a  young  clerk 
for  ten  guilders  a  week. 

William  V  was  very  proud.  This  was  nothing 


166    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

new.  The  House  of  Orange  had  always  been  proud. 
During  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  its 
members  had  much  to  make  them  feel  that  they 
belonged  to  quite  an  exceptional  race  of  men.  The 
first  stadholders,  however,  had  been  men  with  a 
good  deal  of  common  sense.  Their  pride  had  rarely 
interfered  with  their  interests.  But  in  all  such  mat- 
ters the  Frisian  branch  of  the  Nassaus  seems  to  have 
been  just  a  little  bit  different  from  that  branch 
which  died  out  with  William  HI.  The  members  of 
this  collateral  branch  were  continually  allowing 
their  pride  to  interfere  with  their  own  interests  and 
those  of  the  country.  In  many  ways  they  were  a 
caricature  of  the  virile  descendants  of  the  first  great 
William.  Maurice  and  Frederick  Henry  spent  the 
better  half  of  their  hves  in  camp  and  on  horseback; 
they  lived  hard,  and  loved  and  hated  with  no  at- 
tempt to  disguise  their  feelings.  With  all  their  faults 
they  were  p)ositive  and  constructive  characters.  The 
members  of  the  northern  branch  of  the  family  seem 
on  the  whole  to  have  lacked  the  vices  of  their  grand- 
uncles,  but  they  were  deficient  in  their  virtues.  They 
were,  with  the  exception  of  the  later  King  William  I, 
men  of  no  force  of  character;  not  very  bad  and  not 
very  good,  not  very  stupid  and  not  very  clever,  with- 
out any  fast  friends  or  any  bitter  enemies;  men  of 
unobtrusive  mediocrity. 

William  V  was  undoubtedly  the  worst  type  of  the 
family.  Most  unfortunately  he  lived  in  a  time  of 
transition.  During  his  hfetime  the  great  change 


THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK       167 

which  produced  the  modern  world  out  of  mediaeval 
society  took  place.  It  is  doubtful  whether  William 
ever  imderstood  the  importance  of  all  the  many- 
things  that  were  happening  around  him.  They  an- 
noyed him  considerably.  He  felt  unhappy  that  the 
world  should  be  as  it  was.  His  own  position  in  rela- 
tion to  the  things  that  occurred  about  him  never 
became  quite  clear  to  him. 

Finally,  we  must  mention  one  other  unfortunate 
characteristic  of  the  Prince.  He  could  not  forgive 
easily.  He  was  not  revengeful;  his  character  was  not 
positive  enough  for  any  such  extreme.  But  when 
in  the  course  of  daily  life  some  one  opposed  him  in 
his  political  activities  he  would  never  forgive  that 
man's  actions.  When  in  the  turmoil  of  politics  it 
happened,  a  few  years  later,  that  this  same  person 
was  suddenly  found  to  be  on  the  side  of  the  Stad- 
holder,  the  latter  could  not  forget  the  past  and 
would  refuse  to  have  anything  to  do  with  his  new 
supporter.  Unfortunately  this  Prince,  who  never 
could  forget  the  smallest  slight  to  his  dignity,  con- 
stantly forgot  those  who  sacrificed  everything  for 
his  cause. 

During  the  troublesome  years  that  were  to  fol- 
low, a  number  of  men  and  women  showed  great 
faithfulness  to  the  Stadholder.  They  often  suffered 
for  their  principles  with  exile  and  confiscation  of 
their  goods.  In  such  cases  the  Stadholder  never 
came  to  their  rescue.  He  took  all  services  rendered 
to  him  and  to  his  house  for  granted,  and  did  not 


168    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

consider  himself  bound  to  reward  his  loyal  subjects. 
It  will  be  easily  understood  that  a  prince  of  such 
character  and  such  personality,  or  rather  lack  of 
personality,  was  at  great  disadvantage  during  the 
latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

William's  career  as  stadholder  commenced  with 
a  serious  blunder.  It  is  little  consolation  that  the 
direct  responsibility  therefor  rests  with  the  Duke 
of  Brunswick.  The  fact  remains  that  his  first  oflS- 
cial  act  did  great  damage  to  his  position.  William 
was  the  only  stadholder  who  was  born  as  hered- 
itary stadholder.  Therefore  when  his  father  died, 
he  succeeded  him  automatically,  just  as  in  a  mon- 
archy the  dead  monarch  is  succeeded  by  the  crown 
prince.  But  instead  of  this,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick 
asked  the  estates  of  the  different  provinces  to  give 
William  an  official  appointment.  In  this  way  it  was 
once  more  clear  that  the  Estates  and  not  the  Stad- 
holder was  the  highest  power  in  the  Republic. 

Why  did  the  Duke  do  this  ?  He  must  have 
known  that  there  really  was  no  need  for  such  pro- 
ceeding. The  truth  is  that  the  Duke  was  trying 
to  serve  both  the  Stadholder  and  the  Regents,  and 
so  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  both.  By  asking  for 
an  official  appointment  for  William  he  rendered  a 
service  to  the  Regents  which  he  hoped  they  would 
not  forget  in  times  to  come. 

After  this  bad  beginning  the  Duke  made  himself 
guilty  of  another  act  which,  though  it  remained  a 
secret  for  a  score  of  years,  finally  leaked  out  and 


THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK       169 

did  the  greatest  harm  to  the  cause  of  the  Stad- 
holder.  It  has  happened  before  in  history  that 
young  princes  when  they  were  called  to  the  throne 
were  so  overwhelmed  by  their  duties  that  they  put 
themselves  into  the  hands  of  trusted  councillors. 
But  it  probably  has  never  occurred  that  a  prince, 
almost  before  he  has  assumed  his  dignity,  binds 
himself  hand  and  foot  to  some  one  person  of  his 
court,  and  practically  renounces  all  independence 
of  action  for  his  future  life. 

This  is  exactly  what  happened.  On  the  3d  of 
May,  1766,  the  Prince  signed  a  document  which  is 
unique.  ^^  The  document  had  been  drawn  up  in  offi- 
cial style  by  van  Bleiswyk,  the  Pensionaris  of  Delft. 
In  this  the  Prince  expressed  his  sincere  desire  to 
keep  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  with  him  always  as  his 
adviser  in  military  and  civil  matters.  In  return  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick  promised  under  oath  to  give 
the  Prince  his  advice  upon  all  occasions  when  it  was 
wanted  and  to  support  him  in  the  maintenance  of 
all  his  ancient  rights  and  prerogatives.  The  fatal 
part  of  the  agreement,  however,  came  near  the  end. 
The  Prince  promised  never  to  hold  the  Duke  at  any 
time  responsible  for  any  advice  which  the  latter 
might  give  him  according  to  the  regulations  of  this 
contract.  In  other  words,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick 
was  appointed  the  confidential  adviser  of  the  Stad- 
holder  of  Holland  and  at  the  same  time  he  was  pro- 
mised immunity  from  the  consequences  of  any  ad- 
vice which  he  might  give.  Without  imputing  any 


170    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

bad  motives  to  the  Duke,  and  with  full  recognition 
of  the  fact  that  he  had  to  do  with  a  singularly  in- 
capable young  man,  it  has  to  be  granted  that  the 
document  was  a  highly  dangerous  experiment. 

The  Duke  recognized  this  fact  himself,  and  asked 
that  the  transaction  between  him  and  his  former 
pupil  be  kept  secret.  This  was  impossible.  Van 
Bleiswyk,  the  man  who  had  drawn  up  the  document, 
knew  about  it.  So  did  Stein,  the  Raadpensionaris 
of  the  Estates  of  Holland.  So  did  the  British  Min- 
ister at  the  Hague  and  the  Count  Bentinck,  one  of 
the  faithful  partisans  of  the  Prince.  And  as  was  in- 
evitable in  the  Republic,  with  its  complicated  ma- 
chinery of  state,  the  existence  of  the  document  was 
soon  known  to  the  leaders  of  the  Regents,  though,  as 
it  was  not  in  the  least  to  their  interest  to  have  it 
known  at  that  time,  they  kept  their  information  to 
themselves.  The  large  mass  of  the  people  certainly 
did  not  know  anything  about  it  until  eighteen  years 
later,  when  the  existence  of  this  agreement  for 
purely  political  reasons  was  brought  up  for  discus- 
sion in  the  meeting  of  the  Estates  of  Zeeland.  Hav- 
ing in  this  way  secured  for  himself  the  position  of 
"The  Indispensable  Man,"  the  Duke  now  turned 
his  attention  towards  providing  William  with  a 
suitable  wife. 

Up  to  that  time  the  Princes  of  Orange  had  usu- 
ally married  daughters  of  the  Kings  of  England. 
The  Duke,  who  was  a  German,  encouraged  a  mar- 
riage with  a  German  princess,  and  the  mass  of  the 


WILLIAM   V   AND   THE   PRINCESS   WILHELMINA   LEAVE   AMSI 

After  an  engrav 


DAM   AFTER   THEIR   FIRST   OFFICIAL  VISIT,    JUNE   4,  1768 
by  S.  Fokke 


THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK       171 

people,  with  whom  at  that  particular  moment  Eng- 
land was  not  in  the  least  popular,  supported  him. 
The  fame  of  Frederic  the  Great,  who  within  a  score 
of  years  had  changed  Prussia  into  a  powerful  nation, 
was  then  at  its  height.  A  wedding  with  a  Prussian 
princess  seemed  to  bring  the  Republic  into  closer 
relations  with  one  of  England's  enemies,  and  as  such 
was  not  unwelcome.  On  the  4th  of  October,  1767, 
William  V  married  Frederica  Sophia  Wilhelmina, 
daughter  of  Prince  August  of  Prussia,  the  brother 
of  Frederic  the  Great. 

The  Princess  was  sixteen  years  old,  pretty  and 
vivacious.  She  had  lived  a  quiet  life  far  away  from 
the  court  of  her  uncle.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  that  fa- 
mous uncle,  who  did  not  care  greatly  for  women,  and 
quite  dreaded  their  opinion  on  political  questions, 
had  carefully  kept  his  small  niece  ignorant  of  all 
affairs  of  state.  Only  now  that  she  was  to  marry 
the  rich  Stadholder  of  the  rich  Republic,  and  in 
doing  so  was  to  become  a  part  of  international  poli- 
tics herself,  did  Frederic  pay  some  attention  to  the 
young  lady. 

Frederic  had  very  little  respect  for  the  Republic. 
He  knew  exactly  the  dilapidated  condition  of  her 
armies  and  of  her  fleet.  But  the  Republic  was  again 
possessed  of  the  one  thing  which  Prussia  lacked, 
ready  money,  and  so  she  was  not  to  be  despised. 
As  to  the  internal  political  situation  in  the  Repub- 
lic, the  Prussian  King  knew,  what  everybody  else 
knew,  that  the  country  was  hanging  in  the  balance 


172    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

between  France  and  England,  and  that,  though  it 
had  not  yet  officially  broken  with  its  old  ally  Eng- 
land, it  might  at  any  moment  do  so.  He  also  knew 
that  the  traditional  policy  of  the  House  of  Orange 
had  been  to  side  with  England,  while  the  Regents 
were  now  openly  favoring  an  entente  cordiale  with 
France. 

It  was  of  great  importance  to  the  King  of  Prussia 
that  his  niece  should  know  what  to  do  in  her  new 
surroundings,  and  therefore  he  gave  her  as  com- 
panion a  trusted  old  Prussian  noblewoman,  the 
Baroness  von  Danckelmann;  she  was  to  be  dame 
d'honneur  to  the  Princess  and  confidential  adviser; 
at  the  same  time  she  kept  Frederic  informed  of 
what  was  going  on  in  the  Republic. 

In  November  of  the  same  year  the  happy  couple 
left  Berlin  and  moved  to  the  Hague,  accompanied 
by  their  dame  d'honneur,  who  according  to  all  re- 
ports had  an  abominable  temper  and  added  but 
little  to  the  charm  of  the  life  of  the  court  in  the 
Hague. 

The  marriage  of  the  Prince,  however,  was  a  happy 
one.  The  Princess  was  her  husband's  superior  in 
everything,  in  character  and  in  ability,  in  energy 
and  in  courage.  But  she  stuck  to  him  faithfully 
through  all  his  vicissitudes,  tended  him  when  he  fell 
sick  at  an  early  age,  and  followed  him  into  exile. 
She  survived  him  by  many  years,  and  hved  to  see 
her  oldest  son,  to  whom  she  had  been  a  very  good 
mother,  installed  upon  the  throne  of  the  new  King- 


THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK       173 

dom  of  the  Netherlands.  The  first  few  years  of  her 
married  Hfe  passed  by  quite  uneventfully.  There 
is  a  certain  element  of  humor  in  the  situation  of 
the  young  couple.  An  old  Austrian  field-marshal 
and  an  old  Prussian  Baroness  had  the  actual  man- 
agement of  the  family  of  the  Dutch  Stadholder. 
The  humor,  however,  does  not  seem  to  have  struck 
the  husband  and  wife,  who  were  busily  engaged  in 
watching  the  increasing  population  of  their  nurs- 
ery. The  country  was  at  peace,  dividends  came  in 
with  most  agreeable  regularity,  and  everybody 
was  happy.  This  lasted  for  eight  years.  Then  came 
another  of  those  terrible  shocks  which  rudely  awak- 
ened the  country  from  its  slumbers  and  threw  it 
suddenly  into  the  middle  of  serious  international 
comphcations. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 

In  the  English  colonies  in  America  there  had  been 
for  a  period  of  more  than  fifteen  years  an  ever- 
increasing  misunderstanding  between  the  colonies 
and  the  mother  country,  or  such  authorities  as  the 
mother  country  insisted  upon  sending  out  to  govern 
her  transatlantic  possessions.  As  long  as  the  French 
had  been  masters  of  Canada  and  had  been  a  threat- 
ening neighbor  to  the  thirteen  English  colonies  along 
the  coast  of  the  Atlantic,  the  British  government 
had  been  obliged  to  retain  the  good  will  of  her 
subjects  across  the  water  and  had  been  forced  to 
consider  seriously  many  of  their  demands.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  colonists  had  depended  a  great  deal 
upon  the  miUtary  assistance  of  the  mother  country, 
and  had  therefore  been  compelled  to  be  more  mod- 
est in  their  desires  and  less  open  in  the  expression 
of  their  many  grievances  than  they  would  other- 
wise have  been. 

But  after  England  had  been  victorious  in  Canada 
and  had  added  the  French  colony  to  her  empire, 
there  was  no  longer  need  of  cooperation  between 
the  English  in  America  and  the  English  in  Brit- 
ain, and  both  were  at  liberty  to  air  their  grievances. 
Unfortunately,  just  at  this  critical  moment,  King 
George  III  ascended  the  throne  of  England,  and 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     175 

his  stubbornness  and  the  dulhiess  of  the  ministers 
with  whom  he  surrounded  himself  kindled  the  small 
flame  of  discontent  into  an  all-consuming  fire. 

We  will  now  endeavor  to  make  clear  what  a 
quarrel  between  colonists  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
civilized  world  and  the  most  powerful  nation  of  that 
time  had  to  do  with  the  history  of  the  Republic. 

The  quarrel  in  America  was  quite  unique.  Most 
revolutions  take  place  as  a  result  of  long  continued 
suffering.  Their  ultimate  purpose  is  to  free  the 
oppressed  masses  from  an  unbearable  wrong.  The 
American  Revolution  was  not  preceded  by  any 
such  period  of  national  suffering.  No  other  revolu- 
tionists have  ever  been  quite  so  prosperous  or  so 
free  from  pohtical  restraint  as  were  the  men  who 
started  the  movement  which  reached  its  logical  con- 
clusion in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of  July 
4,  1776. 

One  of  the  causes  of  the  ill-feeling  between 
colonists  and  mother  country  was,  of  course,  a  senti- 
mental one.  England  at  that  time  was  essentially 
an  aristocratic  country.  The  colonies  at  that  time, 
before  their  natural  riches  had  made  them  a  pluto- 
cracy, were  essentially  a  democracy.  Many  char- 
acteristics of  the  one  annoyed  the  other  extremely. 
The  overbearing  donkeyesque  type  of  man  which 
composed  the  English  garrisons  was  the  only  sort 
most  colonists  ever  knew  or  saw  of  the  people  of  the 
home  country.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Englishman 
who  stayed  at  home  got  information  about  his 


176    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH   REPUBLIC 

brother  across  the  sea  from  sources  which  depicted 
the  aforementioned  brother  as  a  sort  of  sharp  horse- 
dealer,  who  always  came  out  on  top  in  a  bargain,  who 
above  all  hated  to  pay  for  anything  which  did  not 
bring  him  in  an  immediate  return  of  a  hundred  per 
cent  or  more.  As  for  the  English  ministers,  they 
followed  the  time-honored  British  custom  of  know- 
ing nothing  about  either  their  friends  or  their  ene- 
mies in  foreign  parts,  and  treated  their  subjects  on 
the  American  continent  with  that  mixture  of  igno- 
rance and  insolence  which  brought  England  infin- 
itely more  trouble  than  a  direct  oppression  would 
have  done. 

The  difference  which  existed  between  colonists 
and  mother  country  were  not  such  as  were  irre- 
mediable. On  the  contrary,  the  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple in  the  colonies  were  decidedly  inclined  to  remain 
faithful  to  the  mother  country.  But  a  policy  which 
consisted  of  a  prolonged  series  of  dull  blunders  on 
the  part  of  England  gradually  widened  the  breach, 
until  at  last  separation  was  the  only  possible  solu- 
tion of  the  problem. 

Now  anything  which  had  to  do  with  England,  or, 
more  particularly,  anything  which  seemed  to  indi- 
cate that  it  might  do  England  harm,  was  followed 
in  the  Republic  of  the  United  Netherlands  with  the 
same  enthusiasm  with  which  in  our  own  time  Eng- 
land watches  a  general  strike  in  Germany,  or  vice 
versa. 

We  only  need  to  read  the  pamphlet  literature  of 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     177 

that  day  to  see  how  England  was  on  the  nerves  of 
the  people  in  the  Republic,  and  how  they  welcomed 
the  slightest  sign  of  anything  which  indicated  that 
the  proud  Briton  was  to  get  into  fresh  diflSculties. 
The  manifestations  of  discontent  among  the  Ameri- 
can colonists  were  followed  with  great  interest  by 
all  those  in  the  Dutch  Republic  who  read  the  papers, 
which  meant  the  vast  majority  of  the  population. 

The  somewhat  bombastic,  if  sound,  rhetoric  of 
the  leaders  of  the  American  colonists,  with  their 
continual  allusions  to  Liberty  and  the  Rights  of  Man 
and  the  People,  were  all  the  more  appreciated  in  a 
Republic  which  several  centuries  before,  with  less 
talk  but  more  action,  had  embodied  similar  senti- 
ments in  the  abjuration  of  their  lawful  sovereign. 
The  first  manifest  signs  of  an  approaching  storm  in 
the  American  community  became  known  in  the 
Republic  at  just  the  moment  when  they  could  be 
hailed  with  the  most  joy  and  sympathy;  for  just 
about  this  time  the  second  centenary  of  the  rehef  of 
the  town  of  Leyden  from  the  Spaniards  had  been 
solemnly  celebrated.  A  generation  which  itself  per- 
forms no  valorous  deeds  usually  loves  dearly  to 
dwell  upon  the  great  virtues  of  its  ancestors  and  to 
glorify  its  vigorous  past.  The  relief  of  Leyden  and 
the  foundation  of  the  university  in  that  city  as  a 
reward  for  the  citizens'  heroic  defense  had  been 
commemorated  with  great  pomp  and  circumstance. 
The  Stadholder  and  his  family  had  been  present. 
Much  rhetoric  of  the  particular  kind  in  use  on  such 


178    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

occasions  had  been  indulged  in  by  leading  profess- 
ors and  statesmen.  Liberty  had  been  the  keynote 
of  the  speeches;  and  after  doing  honor  to  the  ances- 
tors who  had  first  established  this  liberty,  there  had 
been  a  good  many  compliments  to  the  progeny  who 
were  now  enjoying  the  fruits  of  their  ancestors' 
labors  in  such  a  worthy  way. 

The  next  year,  before  the  enthusiasm  had  quite 
died  down,  the  first  news  (slightly  exaggerated)  of 
the  battle  of  Lexington  had  reached  the  Republic. 
"The  hirelings  of  a  Tyrant  beaten  by  the  humble 
farmers  of  an  indignant  country!"  What  news 
could  be  more  welcome,  especially  when  the  beaten 
"Tyrant"  was  the  deadly  rival  across  the  North 
Sea. 

As  to  the  humble  farmer  who  fired  the  "shot 
heard  round  the  world,"  he  was  at  that  moment 
rather  fashionable  in  Europe.  The  ocean  is  a  broad 
piece  of  water  which  it  then  took  from  three  to  four 
weeks  to  cross.  What  happened  upon  the  vast 
shores  of  the  great  American  continent  was  but 
vaguely  clear  to  most  people  in  Europe.  But  it  was 
a  period  when  the  highest  classes  of  society  dabbled 
in  theories  about  "liberty"  and  "civic  virtue," 
very  much  the  same  way  that,  in  our  own  day,  they 
dabble  a  bit  in  socialism.  Rousseau  and  the  French 
Encyclopedists  were  not  writing  in  vain.  Their 
theories  were  the  property  of  everybody  who  pre- 
tended to  be  au  courant  of  the  intellectual  interests 
of  the  day.  The  American  farmer  and  politician 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     179 

who  managed  the  revolution  against  England  were 
soon  endowed  with  all  those  superlative  virtues 
which  it  was  felt  could  only  survive  in  men  who  had 
always  lived  a  natural  life,  far  removed  from  the 
corruption  of  society  and  in  the  uplifting  purity 
of  the  primeval  forest. 

For  the  Republic,  however,  besides  these  senti- 
mental considerations,  there  were  others  of  a  more 
practical  nature.  Of  course  during  the  first  few 
years,  when  it  was  not  in  the  least  clear  whether 
the  American  rebellion  would  end  with  the  defeat 
of  the  colonists  or  would  degenerate  into  an  endless 
guerrilla  warfare,  there  was  no  hope  of  eventual  gain. 

When  after  a  few  years  it  seemed  that  the  Amer- 
ican colonies  were  actually  going  to  start  a  new 
commonwealth,  entirely  independent  of  the  mother 
country,  large  vistas  of  new  commercial  advantages 
opened  themselves  to  the  Dutch  merchants. 

Up  to  the  beginning  of  the  revolution  the  Amer- 
ican colonists  had  been  obliged  to  trade  directly 
with  England  alone,  and  England  had  been  careful 
that  the  colonists  should  not  enter  upon  business 
which  would  compete  with  the  business  of  her  sub- 
jects at  home.  If  they  gained  their  independence, 
the  colonists  would  then  be  able  to  deal  with  whom- 
ever they  pleased,  and  the  Republic  hoped  to  get 
her  share  of  the  American  trade.  During  the  last 
thirty  years  so  many  old  fields  of  enterprise  had 
been  gradually  lost  to  her  that  a  new  opening 
would  be  extremely  welcome. 


180    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

This  practical  sentiment  was  reciprocated  in 
America.  Those  excellent  colonists  were  at  all 
times  infinitely  more  practical  than  the  European 
sentimentalist  could  imagine  them  to  be.  They 
were  practical  politicians.  The  theory  of  their  revo- 
lution never  for  a  moment  allowed  them  to  forget 
the  bread-and-butter  side  of  it.  Their  hard  com- 
mon sense  never  allowed  them  to  go  off  into  any  ex- 
tremes which  did  not  stand  fundamentally  upon  a 
sound  basis  of  "one  dollar  plus  one  dollar  are  two 
dollars.'*  The  French  Revolution,  with  its  sub- 
lime indifference  to  the  material  side  of  life  and 
with  its  exaggerated  sentiment  about  uplifting  the 
whole  of  the  human  race  to  its  own  ideals,  was  con- 
ducted upon  entirely  different  principles. 

The  American  revolutionists  knew  what  they 
wanted  better  than  other  rebels,  either  before  or 
after,  have  known.  They  did  one  thing  at  a  time, 
and  did  not  waste  their  energies  in  senseless  dreams 
of  the  far  distant  future.  For  the  moment  their 
most  imperative  need  was  guns,  and  materials  of 
war  generally.  They  had  no  regular  fleet  and  few 
merchant  ships.  On  the  sea  they  were  at  the  mercy 
of  the  English  fleet.  The  Dutch  smugglers  were, 
therefore,  of  great  benefit  to  them  in  supplying  them 
with  the  necessities  of  war.  From  the  small  island 
of  St.  Eustatius  in  the  Antilles  —  a  possession  of 
the  West  India  Company  —  a  regular  smuggling 
trade  was  maintained  with  American  ports.  The 
island  had  a  fine  harbor  and  its  storehouses  were 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     181 

filled  with  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  goods,  ready 
for  transportation  to  forbidden  harbors  —  either 
Spanish  or  American. 

This  trade  was  quite  as  detrimental  to  the  inter- 
ests of  England  as  the  American  export  of  mules  for 
South  Africa  was  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the 
late  Transvaal  Republic.  In  August  of  the  year 
1775,  therefore,  the  British  government  instructed 
its  representative  in  the  Hague  to  address  himself 
to  the  Estates  General  with  the  request  that  this 
smuggling  from  a  Dutch  harbor  should  forthwith 
be  ended. 

The  Estates  General  expressed  their  regret  at  the 
matter  and  promised  to  attend  to  it  at  once.  They 
promulgated  an  edict  which  forbade  the  export  of 
guns  and  all  materials  of  war  from  Dutch  harbors 
for  a  period  of  six  months.  A  fine  of  one  thousand 
guilders  was  threatened  to  be  levied  upon  those  who 
should  act  contrary  to  this  law.  After  the  first  six 
months  this  edict  was  prolonged  for  another  half- 
year. 

As  for  its  practical  results,  they  were  nil.  There 
was  too  much  profit  in  the  business  to  stop  it  with 
the  mere  threat  of  a  fine.  Furthermore,  all  the 
tricks  of  this  particular  trade  were  well  known,  and 
how  could  the  Estates  General  surmise  that  barrels 
of  butter  directed  to  a  French  port  in  reality  con- 
tained powder  and  were  bound  for  an  American 
harbor.'^  They  could  have  discovered  this,  of  course, 
if  they  had  really  wished,  but  they  hesitated  to  in- 


182    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

terfere  too  seriously  with  a  form  of  business  activ- 
ity, which,  however  objectionable,  brought  so  much 
gain  to  many  of  their  fellow  citizens  and  to  them- 
selves. 

When  the  British  government  noticed  how  inef- 
fectual the  Estates  General  had  been  in  prevent- 
ing a  continuation  of  this  detrimental  smuggling 
business,  it  decided  to  take  matters  into  its  own 
hands  and  to  defend  its  own  interests  as  it  thought 
best.  The  English  fleet  in  the  Caribbean  Sea  was 
strengthened  with  a  number  of  new  ships,  and  all 
Dutch  vessels  were  searched,  and  if  found  to  contain 
contraband  of  war  were  brought  to  English  ports 
and  there  sold.  This  did  not  improve  the  feeling 
between  the  two  countries.  England  resented  the 
Republic's  indifference.  The  Republic  resented  Eng- 
land's interference. 

France,  however,  looked  on  with  interest  and  re- 
joiced. Its  minister  in  the  Hague  was  busier  than 
ever.  If  only  the  Republic  would  give  up  all  her 
treaties  with  England,  which  for  many  years  had 
existed  only  in  name,  how  beneficial  it  would  be,  he 
argued,  to  the  true  interests  of  the  Republic;  and  so 
on,  and  so  on. 

These  old  treaties  were  ere  long  to  be  the  cause 
of  another  misunderstanding  between  London  and 
the  Hague,  and  this  time  of  a  very  serious  nature. 
It  all  came  about  in  this  way. 

England  needed  troops  for  its  war  in  America. 
The  mother  country  could  not  provide  all  the  men 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     183 

necessary  for  the  many  military  enterprises  in 
which  England  was  engaged  at  that  particular  mo- 
ment. Therefore,  as  is  well  known,  it  bought  troops 
from  German  princes.  Thousands  of  German  sol- 
diers were  sent  to  America,  where  they  died  in  order 
that  the  fountains  of  the  Elector  of  Hesse  might 
spout. 

As  is  equally  well  known,  these  good  Germans 
had  no  great  interest  either  one  way  or  the  other  in 
the  conflict  into  which  they  had  been  dragged  for 
so  many  marks  a  head.  Being  Germans,  they  did 
their  duty,  but  no  more;  and  when  able  to  do  so 
conveniently  made  their  peace  with  their  friend,  the 
enemy,  and  retired  from  the  field  of  battle.  Eng- 
land, therefore,  looked  around  for  more  satisfactory 
troops,  and  then  remembered  the  existence  of  a 
Scottish  brigade,  which  was  stationed  in  the  Re- 
public. 

This  Scottish  brigade  had  come  to  Holland  in  the 
year  1577  to  help  against  the  Spaniards  and  had 
ever  since  remained  in  the  Dutch  service.  The  sol- 
diers no  longer  consisted  exclusively  of  Scotchmen. 
The  officers,  however,  were  all  native  Scotchmen, 
and  as  a  whole  the  brigade  had  maintained  its  for- 
eign character.  In  time  of  war  it  was  supposed  to 
number  three  thousand  men.  But  during  the  many 
years  of  peace,  as  a  matter  of  economy,  the  num- 
ber had  been  allowed  to  dwindle  down  to  less  than 
one  thousand. 

The  British  government  now  asked  for  the  loan 


184    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  these  troops.  The  acquiring  of  a  thousand  more 
soldiers  was  doubtless  not  their  only  motive,  as  in 
asking  the  Estates  General  for  this  loan  they  would 
have  a  chance  to  test  the  true  feelings  of  their  Dutch 
neighbors.  In  the  matter  of  the  smuggling  trade  of 
St.  Eustatius,  the  Estates  General  had  shown  what 
the  English  considered  bad  faith.  They  would  now 
have  an  opportunity  to  prove  that  their  real  attitude 
towards  England  was  not  a  hostile  one.  In  October 
of  the  year  1775,  the  English  minister  in  the  Hague 
informed  the  Stadholder  that  the  King  of  England 
requested  "as  a  favor"  the  loan  of  the  Scottish 
brigade.  In  November  the  Stadholder  informed 
the  Estates  General  that  the  King  of  England, 
through  the  English  minister  in  the  Hague,  had  re- 
quested the  loan  of  the  Scottish  brigade  to  be  used 
in  the  war  with  the  American  colonists.  At  the 
same  time  he  let  their  High-and-Mightinesses  know 
that  it  had  pleased  the  King  of  England  to  offer  to 
the  Republic  a  regiment  of  Hannoverian  troops  in  ex- 
change for  the  Scotchmen.  After  the  war,  the  Scot- 
tish regiment,  or  whatever  remained  of  it,  would  be 
promptly  returned,  the  Hannoverians  would  march 
back  to  their  German  home,  and  everything  would 
be  as  it  had  been  before.  In  case  the  Estates  Gen- 
eral did  not  care  for  these  particular  Hannoverian 
troops,  His  Majesty  was  ready  to  furnish  them  the 
money  necessary  to  equip  a  Dutch  regiment.  From 
the  English  point  of  view  this  was  a  very  decent 
offer,  and  it  was  couched  in  such  a  form  that  a 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     185 

refusal  was  practically  impossible.  Knowing  the 
policy  of  the  Republic  to  put  off  things  intermin- 
ably, the  English  minister  asked  for  an  immediate 
answer  to  this  request.  It  indicates  the  dispatch 
with  which  things  were  usually  done  in  the  Republic 
when  we  hear  that  "the  favor  of  an  answer  within 
one  month  "  was  considered  extraordinary  speed. 

The  complicated  machinery  of  the  Estates  Gen- 
eral was  set  to  work  in  the  well-known  way.  After 
a  month  the  request  of  the  English  government 
reached  the  provinces  for  their  special  considera- 
tion. After  two  months,  in  December  of  1775,  four 
of  the  country  provinces,  Gelderland,  Friesland, 
Groningen,  and  Overysel,  sent  in  their  answer.  As 
they  were  not  directly  interested  in  the  smuggling 
trade  in  America,  they  advised  granting  England's 
wishes.  Though  the  majority  of  the  Estates  was  in 
favor  of  this  decision,  in  some  provinces  there  was 
great  opposition  from  a  minority  which,  moved  by 
ideal  and  not  by  material  considerations,  strongly 
opposed  a  policy  that  might  be  detrimental  to  the 
best  interests  of  the  rebellious  Americans. 
•  In  Overysel,  the  opposition  was  of  such  nature 
that  it  drew  the  attention  of  the  entire  country.  Its 
spokesman  was  the  Baron  Joan  Derek  van  der 
Capellen  van  de  Poll,  a  member  of  the  nobility  of 
Overysel,  and  as  such  possessed  of  a  seat  in  the 
Estates  whose  part  in  this  history  is  a  considerable 
one.  For  the  moment  it  will  suffice  to  say  that  the 
Baron  van  der  Capellen  grew  quite  eloquent  upon 


186    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  subject,  and  delivered  himself  of  a  speech  which 
the  interested  reader  may  find  in  extenso  in  Wag- 
enaar  (Vervolg  i,  pp.  55-59).  The  essential  argu- 
ments in  this  speech  were  as  follows:  To  grant  the 
wish  of  the  British  government  and  allow  the  Eng- 
lish the  loan  of  the  Scottish  brigade  would  mean  a 
breach  of  neutrality  at  the  expense  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, and  would  mean  that  the  Republic  takes  sides 
in  a  quarrel  in  which  it  should  remain  neutral.  The 
Republic  of  the  United  Netherlands,  which  once 
upon  a  time  had  herself  borne  the  proud  name  of 
"Rebel,"  would  be  drawn  into  a  war  against  the 
courageous  and  virtuous  defenders  of  such  rights  as 
they  had  received  not  from  the  British  government 
but  from  Almighty  God  Himself.  If  the  King  of 
England  wished  mercenaries,  it  would  be  in  better 
taste  for  him  to  hire  Janizaries  than  to  ask  the 
troops  of  a  free  Commonwealth.  If  one  could  be- 
lieve the  newspapers,  even  the  savages  refused  to  be 
mixed  up  in  the  quarrel.  Certainly  it  was  the  plain 
duty  of  the  Republic  to  refuse  the  demands  of  Eng- 
land for  once  and  for  all. 

The  fact  that  van  der  Capellen  used  his  impas- 
sioned speech  for  an  attack  upon  local  conditions  in 
the  province,  and  that  he  left  the  lofty  heights  of 
Almighty  God  and  the  Rights  of  Man  to  come  down 
to  a  plain  denunciation  of  state  and  national  poli- 
tics, did  not  strengthen  his  argument.  He  was  out- 
voted and  Overysel  went  on  record  as  favoring  the 
English  demand. 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     187 

In  the  other  provinces,  however,  hostility  to  the 
plan  was  general,  though  it  was  based  not  upon 
sentiment  but  upon  plain  material  considerations. 
In  Holland  the  opposition  came  from  all  sides.  The 
opinion  of  the  Stadholder  was  not  asked,  but  his 
immediate  adviser,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  was 
against  the  plan.  He  feared  that  England  would 
forget  to  replace  the  Scottish  brigade  after  it  had 
once  left  the  Dutch  shore,  and  in  this  way  the  mis- 
erable army  of  the  Republic  would  be  weakened 
still  further. 

The  town  of  Amsterdam,  though  its  motives  dif- 
fered somewhat  from  his,  strongly  supported  the 
Duke.  Amsterdam  wanted  to  wait  awhile  before 
answering.  It  reasoned  as  follows:  England  is  ex- 
periencing great  difficulties  with  her  colonies.  Soon 
she  may  need  soldiers  even  worse  than  she  needs 
them  now.  We  do  not  want  this  Scottish  brigade, 
anyway,  as  it  costs  us  so  much  per  year  and  we 
have  no  need  of  soldiers.  Let  us  wait,  therefore, 
until  England  wants  them  very  badly,  and  then  let 
us  sell  the  whole  outfit  at  a  good  profit.  Fortun- 
ately the  other  cities  showed  more  decency  than 
Amsterdam,  and  the  Republic  was  at  least  spared 
this  shameful  transaction. 

But  even  without  these  ** practical"  considera- 
tions, the  Estates  of  Holland  were  strongly  opposed 
to  the  whole  plan.  The  influence  of  France  had 
grown  to  such  proportions  that  even  in  matters 
closely  concerning  the  Republic's  internal  policies 


188    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  French  minister  in  the  Hague  could  exercise 
great  influence,  and  he  now  advised  his  friends  to 
make  a  definite  stand  against  this  British  demand. 

On  the  other  hand,  however,  the  Estates  feared 
to  offend  England  too  openly  so  long  as  the  Re- 
public was  so  completely  at  her  mercy  upon  the 
seas.  Therefore,  after  dehberating  as  long  as  could 
decently  be  done,  they  informed  the  British  gov- 
ernment that  the  sentiment  of  the  seven  provinces 
favored  the  granting  of  His  Majesty's  request  and 
the  Republic  would  be  delighted  to  send  her  British 
ally  the  Scottish  brigade.  The  Republic  imposed 
only  one  condition:  that  the  brigade  should  not  be 
used  for  military  purposes  outside  of  Europe.  Now, 
as  everybody  knew  that  England  wanted  the  troops 
exclusively  for  use  outside  of  Europe,  the  answer 
of  the  Republic  contained  not  only  a  refusal,  but  a 
refusal  with  a  gratuitous  insult  attached  to  it. 

In  the  mean  while  four  months  had  gone  by  since 
the  original  request  had  been  made  and  England 
decided  not  to  press  her  demands.  The  King  of 
England  officially  thanked  the  Stadholder  of  Hol- 
land for  the  trouble  taken  in  this  matter  and  stated 
that  His  Majesty  no  longer  needed  the  troops.  In 
case  His  Majesty  should  renew  his  request,  he 
would  be  careful  to  remember  the  conditions  which 
had  been  imposed. 

Nothing  more  was  said  or  done  at  that  time. 
The  Scottish  brigade  remained  in  the  Repubhc 
until  1795,  and  the  King  of  England  was  obliged  to 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     189 

hire  his  "Janizaries"  elsewhere.  But  England  did 
not  forget  the  refusal,  which  she  could  only  con- 
sider an  insult.  It  was  the  third  time  that  the  Re- 
public had  neglected  the  duties  imposed  upon  her 
by  the  different  treaties  which  still  bound  her  to 
Great  Britain.  It  was  the  last  time  that  she  had 
a  chance  to  renew  the  cordial  relations  between 
herself  and  England.  From  now  on  England  only 
waited  for  the  chance  to  retaliate. 

Those  who  profited  most  by  the  whole  transac- 
tion were  the  members  of  the  rising  young  demo- 
cratic party,  the  men  who  were  sufficiently  imbibed 
with  the  new  notions  of  the  Rights  of  Man  and  the 
Sanctity  of  Human  Liberty  to  look  upon  the  strug- 
gle in  the  American  colonies  with  an  enthusiastic 
approval  which  their  more  practical  fellow  citi- 
zens could  hardly  understand.  Of  these,  spread  all 
through  the  Republic,  most  of  them  unconscious  of 
the  fact  that  they  were  heralds  of  a  new  doctrine 
and  a  new  era,  none  had  covered  himself  with 
greater  glory  than  the  Baron  van  der  Capellen,  the 
upholder  of  Human  Rights  in  the  Estates  of  Over- 
ysel.  Joan  Derek  van  der  Capellen,  usually  called 
Capellen  van  de  Poll,  to  distinguish  him  from  his 
cousin,  Capellen  van  de  Marsch,  was  a  man  of 
weight  in  his  province.  He  was  born  in  Tiel,  Novem- 
ber 2, 1741,  a  member  of  an  old  Overysel  family. 
As  we  have  seen  before,  the  nobility  in  Overysel 
and  Gelderland  enjoyed  a  great  deal  more  im- 
portance than  those  in  any  of  the  other  provinces. 


190    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of  a  few  families  in 
Friesland. 

During  the  eighty  years'  war  against  Spain,  mem- 
bers of  this  nobihty  had  faithfully  served  the  Re- 
public as  generals  or  diplomats.  When  the  war  was 
over,  and  the  military  career  offered  no  longer  any 
advantages  or  honor,  these  families,  rather  than 
compete  with  the  rich  Holland  merchants  for  su- 
premacy in  political  matters,  had  preferred  to  re- 
tire to  their  estates,  where  they  led  the  quiet  life 
of  country  gentlemen.  They  either  married  among 
themselves  or  took  wives  from  among  the  French 
or  the  German  nobility.  Many  of  them  possessed 
some  honorary  position  at  the  court  of  the  Stad- 
holder,  which  they  exercised  whenever  the  latter 
left  the  Hague  and  came  to  reside  for  a  few  weeks 
in  their  particular  province.  As  members  of  the 
nobility  they  also  had  a  seat  in  the  meetings  of  the 
quarter  in  which  they  resided  and  in  the  general 
meeting  of  the  different  quarters  which  made  up 
their  provincial  estates. 

They  cared  a  good  deal  for  education,  and  either 
sent  their  sons  to  a  Dutch  university  or  let  them 
study  abroad.  The  University  of  Utrecht,  as  be- 
ing situated  outside  of  the  unpopular  Province  of 
Holland,  attracted  most  of  their  young  men.  Also 
Utrecht  had  the  advantage  of  being  less  cosmo- 
politan and  a  little  stiffer  and  more  dignified  than 
Leyden,  which  suffered  under  a  reputation  for  lib- 
eralism. In  the  eyes  of  the  good  ultra-conservative 


;THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     191 

and  ultra-orthodox,  Leyden  was  a  direct  anteroom 
to  a  far  dryer  and  hotter  region. 

At  the  time  that  Capellen  and  his  cousin  went  to 
Utrecht,  however,  this  particular  university  had 
entered  upon  a  short  period  in  its  career  during 
which  a  fairly  healthy  atmosphere  prevailed.  Usu- 
ally its  young  men  were  driven  through  an  ex- 
tremely dull,  extremely  pedantic,  and  totally  use- 
less course  of  Roman  law,  and  were  then  considered 
to  have  received  a  liberal  education.  For  a  few 
years  a  course  of  lectures  on  the  Jus  Civile  of  the 
Republic  had  been  given  by  a  certain  Professor 
Trotz.  Trotz  had  started  his  career  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Franeker,  a  small  university  built  by  the 
local  pride  of  the  Frisians  which,  in  a  modest  way, 
had  contributed  a  remarkably  large  number  of 
excellent  scholars. 

Trotz  had  left  the  field  of  purely  theoretical  dis- 
cussions and  had  restricted  his  lectures  more  to 
the  practical  aspects  of  the  law  which  he  taught. 
In  connection  with  his  lectures,  old  collections  of 
Dutch  law  were  being  published.  There  was  a  good 
deal  of  investigating  into  old  judicial  practices  and 
into  the  common  law  of  the  Middle  Ages.  These 
studies  taught  in  the  first  place  the  great  differ- 
ence between  the  law  of  the  eighteenth  century  and 
that  of  the  fifteenth,  but  they  also  showed  how,  in 
a  great  many  ways,  the  position  of  the  lower  and 
middle  classes  was  worse  than  it  had  been  three 
hundred  years  before.  At  the  end  of  the  Middle 


192    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Ages,  the  artisans  and  the  members  of  the  guilds 
in  general  had  possessed  an  influence  in  the  manage- 
ment of  their  town  government  which  they  had  long 
since  lost  to  the  Regents,  that  is,  to  the  hereditary 
oligarchy. 

Mere  theoretical  studies  about  such  matters  in- 
variably lead  to  their  application  to  the  practical 
questions  of  every-day  life.  Van  der  Capellen  was 
in  no  way  a  genius.  Still,  judging  by  his  letters,  he 
was  possessed  of  a  certain  amount  of  imagination 
and  idealism,  the  latter  a  very  rare  commodity 
among  his  material  and  prosperous  countrymen. 
It  is  not  strange  that  a  man  of  his  turn  of  mind 
should  soon  find  a  comparison  between  the  condi- 
tions under  which  his  forefathers  had  lived  and  the 
conditions  which  were  at  that  moment  actually  ex- 
isting in  the  thirteen  colonies  of  America. 

Gradually,  by  reading  all  that  was  being  pub- 
lished upon  the  subject  and  by  a  correspondence 
with  such  American  statesmen  as  had  sufficient  lei- 
sure to  answer  his  lengthy  epistles,  van  der  Capellen 
came  to  believe  himself  called  upon  by  Providence 
to  be,  within  his  own  little  sphere,  the  defender 
and  upholder  of  the  good  cause  that  was  being 
fought  out  across  the  ocean.  His  first  orations 
upon  the  subject,  delivered  in  the  Estates  of  Over- 
ysel,  are  to  our  modern  ears  very  stilted  and  very 
bombastic.  But  we  should  not  forget  that  he  spoke 
in  a  time  which  loved  that  sort  of  thing  and  in  a 
country  which  was  not  accustomed  to  parliament- 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     193 

ary  discussions.  Except  in  the  Church,  there  was 
no  place  in  the  Republic  where  oratorical  gifts  could 
be  developed.  The  meetings  of  the  estates  were  to- 
tally unlike  the  sessions  of  our  modern  parliament. 
Nothing  could  be  accomplished  there  by  eloquent 
speech.  If  one  wanted  a  measure  adopted,  the  only 
possible  course  was  to  go  and  see  everybody  con- 
nected with  it  in  his  own  hotel  and  talk  the  mat- 
ter over  with  him — very  much  in  the  way  in  which 
the  modern  lobbyist  does  his  work.  The  dearth  of 
good  speakers  made  it  easy  for  van  der  Capellen, 
with  his  humble  gifts,  to  create  quite  a  sensation 
by  his  little  orations  in  the  Estates  of  Overysel. 

There  were  many  men  in  the  Republic  who 
thought  the  way  he  did.  They  were  not  organized, 
however,  into  a  party.  They  had  hardly  known 
of  one  another's  existence.  Van  der  Capellen,  by 
the  attention  he  drew  from  his  little  speech,  made 
himself  suddenly  their  unofficial  leader.  This  role 
he  continued  to  play  until  the  end  of  his  days. 
With  all  his  failings,  we  must  at  least  do  him  the 
justice  to  recognize  his  perfect  sincerity.  He  died 
comparatively  young  and  before  civil  war  had 
broken  out  in  his  country.  In  this  way  only  did 
he  escape  actual  violence.  The  only  revenge  which 
the  partisans  of  the  Prince  could  take  on  him  was 
to  blow  up  his  grave.  Several  members  of  his 
family,  however,  who  shared  his  opinions,  suffered 
both  physically  and  financially  for  their  doctrines. 
Van  der  Capellen  himself  was  continually  exposed 


194    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

to  all  sorts  of  annoyances  from  all  sorts  of  people, 
who  thought  him  a  traitor  to  the  interests  of  his 
own  class  and  a  most  dangerous  demagogue.    . 

We  should  not  forget  that  this  affection  for  hu- 
man rights  and  for  the  people  was  an  absolutely 
new  notion  in  the  Republic.  A  few  highly  superior 
people  took  an  aesthetic  interest  in  it,  but  it  did  not 
appeal  in  the  least  to  the  minds  of  the  majority 
of  either  the  rich  or  the  poor.  Among  the  Regents 
these  new  doctrines  were  considered  a  terrible 
heresy,  touching  the  soundness  of  the  very  basis  of 
the  Commonwealth. 

"The  People"  were  all  very  well  in  their  way. 
They  were  a  highly  necessary  commodity  to  be 
treated  with  care  and  a  certain  amount  of  consider- 
ation. They  were  not  to  be  treated  harshly,  unless 
harshness  was  absolutely  necessary,  and  they  should 
be  cared  for  with  hospitals  and  almshouses  and 
orphan  asylums.  It  was  not  necessary,  however,  to 
go  into  the  street  and  fraternize  with  them  in  order 
to  show  how  much  one  appreciated  them.  If  a  lot 
of  butchers  and  grocers  and  farmers  preferred  to 
make  a  revolution  somewhere  in  America,  it  was 
very  pleasant,  indeed,  to  sell  them  such  commod- 
ities as  they  needed  and  could  pay  for,  but  this  did 
not  mean  that  they  should  be  directly  encouraged 
in  their  rebellion.  If  they  should  be  successful, 
what  would  prevent  the  butchers  and  grocers  and 
bakers  of  Amsterdam  from  clamoring  for  equal 
rights  and  demanding  representation  and  proclaim- 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     195 

ing  themselves  the  equals  of  their  legitimate  rulers, 
the  Regents? 

When  we  consider  for  a  moment  among  what  sort 
of  prejudices  and  aristocratic  notions  Baron  van 
der  Capellen  had  grown  up,  we  can  understand  that, 
after  all,  a  large  amount  of  moral  courage  was  nec- 
essary for  him  to  act  contrary  to  all  the  traditions 
and  instincts  of  his  own  class  and  race.  On  the 
other  hand,  however,  we  must  regretfully  decline 
to  paint  van  der  Capellen  as  the  glorious  hero  which 
some  of  his  ardent  supporters  believed  him  to  be. 
That  he  was  actually  able  to  play  a  role  in  our  his- 
tory was  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  he  lived  in  a 
time  when  there  was  an  absolute  dearth  of  first-class 
men.  His  wealth  and  his  social  position  made  it 
easy  for  him  to  occupy  a  conspicuous  position,  and 
as  nobody  else  could  be  found  to  champion  the  new 
doctrines,  he  naturally  and  almost  involuntarily 
fell  into  a  role  for  which  he  was  not  a  big  enough 
man. 

Since,  by  the  stand  he  had  taken  on  the  question 
of  the  Scottish  troops,  he  had  become  a  national 
figure,  van  der  Capellen  felt  it  his  duty  to  enlighten 
his  fellow  countrymen  about  the  real  issues  in  the 
quarrel  between  Great  Britain  and  her  rebellious 
colonists.  He  therefore  presented  the  public  with  a 
translation  of  the  little  book  by  Dominie  Richard 
Price.  This  booklet,  "Observations  on  the  Nature 
of  Civil  Liberty,  the  Principles  of  Government  and 
the  Justice  and  Policy  of  the  War  with  America," 


196    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

by  Richard  Price,  D.D.,  F.R.S.,  now  forgotten,  was 
famous  enough  in  its  own  day  to  go  through  a 
large  number  of  editions.  It  was  better  known  on 
the  Continent  than  in  England.  It  was  not  only 
intended  to  prove  the  injustice  of  England's  be- 
havior towards  her  colonies,  but  also  by  means  of 
an  appendix  full  of  statistics  it  tried  to  demonstrate 
that  the  war  must  inevitably  end  in  failure  for  Eng- 
land. The  British  public,  however,  was  too  certain 
of  ultimate  victory  to  take  an  interest  in  these  pes- 
simistic prophecies  and  refused  to  read  the  reverend 
gentleman's  exhortations. 

Van  der  Capellen  translated  the  pamphlet  with 
great  care  and  had  it  printed  in  Ley  den.  In  a 
lengthy  introduction,  he  tells  the  public  a  few  things 
about  himself.  He  apologizes  for  possible  mistakes 
in  the  translation  on  the  ground  of  not  being  an 
"accomplished  literary  man."  He  then  confides  to 
his  readers  that  this  is  only  his  second  attempt  at 
similar  work.  A  year  before  he  had  anonymously 
published  a  translation  of  a  pamphlet  by  Andrew 
Fletcher,  in  order  that  his  fellow  countrymen  might 
be  made  familiar  with  the  advantages  of  a  well- 
regulated  civic  militia.  The  translation  of  Dr. 
Price's  work  was  undertaken  to  show  the  people  of 
the  Netherlands  the  unsound  condition  of  the  Eng- 
lish public  finances  and  the  impending  danger  of  an 
oflGicial  bankruptcy  in  that  country. ^^ 

In  the  light  of  history  it  is  rather  curious  to  read 
the  works  of  several  of  those  amateur  economists  of 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     197 

the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  who  undertake 
to  prove  the  impending  financial  ruin  of  England 
and  also  predict  a  splendid  future  for  France.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  France  had  been  for  years  on  the 
road  to  bankruptcy,  while  England  without  any 
apparent  effort  managed  to  increase  her  national 
debt  and  remain  as  sound  as  ever. 

Van  der  Capellen's  translation  was  divided  into 
three  parts.  The  first  one  was  again  divided  into 
three  sections,  which  bore  the  names:  "Of  the  Na- 
ture of  Liberty  in  General,"  *'  Of  Civil  Liberty  and 
the  Principles  of  Government,"  and  *'0f  the  Au- 
thority of  One  Country  over  Another."  The  sec- 
ond part  was  an  investigation  of  the  justice  of  the 
war  with  America,  and  examined  England's  policy 
in  connection  with  it.  The  third  part  was  filled 
with  statistics,  and,  the  author  was  convinced,  fur- 
nished proofs  that  Great  Britain  was  on  the  certain 
road  towards  financial  ruin. 

It  was  this  third  part  which  was  read  with  the 
greatest  interest  by  most  people.  Those  who 
wanted  to  know  about  the  new  doctrines  could  use 
the  first  two  parts  as  a  sort  of  Social  Primer.  But 
the  third  part,  with  its  conclusive  statistics,  was 
accepted  as  gospel  truth  by  people  who  wished  no- 
thing more  than  to  see  the  Republic's  commercial 
rival  in  the  hands  of  a  receiver. 

Meanwhile  things  were  going  on  very  much  as 
before.  The  edicts  of  the  Estates  General  against  the 
export  of  materials  of  war  had  not  had  the  shghtest 


198    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

effect.  On  the  contrary,  Mr.  Heyliger,  the  new  gov- 
ernor of  St.  Eustatius,  the  centre  of  the  smuggUng 
trade  in  the  West  Indies,  was  himself  greatly  in- 
terested in  the  business  and  encouraged  it  with  all 
his  might.  Finally,  England  lodged  such  a  severe 
complaint  about  him  in  the  Hague  that  the  West 
India  Company  was  obliged  to  call  her  governor 
back.  Heyliger  was  ordered  to  return  to  the  coun- 
try at  once  and  a  certain  de  Graeff  was  appointed 
as  his  successor.  De  Graeff  was  worse  than  his 
predecessor.  He  was  the  type  of  the  shortsighted, 
eighteenth-century  merchant  who  looked  only  for 
his  immediate  profit,  who  cared  nothing  for  any 
further  consequences  as  long  as  he  got  his  dividends. 
While  he  omitted  to  curb  the  activity  of  the  Dutch 
smugglers  who  made  St.  Eustatius  their  headquar- 
ters, at  the  same  time  he  omitted  to  provide  for  any 
means  of  defense  of  the  island.  Neither  in  1775  nor 
in  1776  did  it  come  to  an  open  break  between  Eng- 
land and  the  Republic.  It  was  a  time  of  continual 
misunderstandings  between  the  two  nations  and 
mutual  annoyances,  but  England  was  still  too  busy 
to  enter  upon  a  new  war  and  the  Republic  was  left 
in  peace. 

Travel  was  slow  in  those  days  —  the  fame  of  van 
der  Capellen's  great  oration  had  crossed  the  ocean 
and  the  orator  received  the  oflScial  thanks  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  for  his  laudable  exer- 
tions in  behalf  of  civic  liberty  in  general  and  Amer- 
ican hberty  in  particular.    After  which,  van  der 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     199 

Capellen,  who  was  a  vain  man  if  anything,  returned 
with  renewed  ardor  to  the  task  of  preaching  his  doc- 
trines and  got  out  a  new  edition  of  the  translation 
of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Price's  work.  Soon,  however,  he  had 
to  suffer  from  competition.  Other  poHtical  writers 
began  to  use  the  printing-press  to  inform  the  ex- 
pectant pubhc  of  what,  in  their  opinion,  ought  to 
be  done  about  these  rebeUious  colonists. 

As  in  France,  it  was  in  the  highest  classes  that 
interest  was  first  shown  in  all  the  burning  questions 
of  the  day.  The  problem  of  the  relation  between 
subject  and  ruler,  the  inherent  right  of  mankind  to 
certain  things  or  the  absence  of  such  an  inherent 
right,  were  discussed  by  the  leaders  of  the  com- 
munity many  years  before  the  masses  took  any  in- 
terest in  the  questions.  The  man  with  all  the  privi- 
leges and  honors  of  the  world  thrust  upon  him 
worried  about  human  rights  long  before  the  down- 
trodden citizen  bothered  himself  about  the  yoke 
which  he  had  to  carry.  From  among  the  highest 
classes  the  interest  in  these  questions  gradually 
trickled  down  to  lower  ones,  until  it  finally  reached 
the  people  and  brought  about  what  we  now  know 
as  the  Revolutionary  Period.  If  the  process  was 
somewhat  different  in  America,  and  if  the  discus- 
sion there  started  at  the  bottom,  it  was  not  because 
of  any  inherent  superiority  of  her  plain  people,  but 
merely  because  at  that  blessed  period  of  her  eco- 
nomic history  all  the  people  of  the  thirteen  colonies 
lived  on  the  same  floor,  and  were  saved  the  annoy- 


200    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

ance  of  having  rich  neighbors  living  above  them 
or  paupers  inhabiting  the  cellar. 

During  the  years  following  the  debate  on  the 
Scottish  troops  a  series  of  pamphlets  was  published 
in  the  Republic,  discussing  American  affairs  both 
practically  and  theoretically.  During  1777,  and 
continuing  during  1778,  a  series  of  "Open  Letters 
about  the  American  Troubles'*  was  written  by  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Orange,  Louis  Theodore, 
Count  of  Nassau  La  Leek.  He  was  a  descendant 
of  one  of  the  many  remarkable  illegitimate  sons  of 
Prince  Maurice.  The  Count  of  Nassau  lived  quietly 
in  the  little  town  of  Culemborg  in  Gelderland.  His 
letters,  which  in  the  days  before  the  invention  of  the 
editorial  took  the  place  of  well-written  leading  art- 
icles, discussed  American  affairs  with  great  impar- 
tiality and  subjected  all  the  aspects  of  the  question 
to  a  close  inspection.^" 

These  letters  show  us  that  there  was  one  side  of 
the  question  which  greatly  worried  those  who  took 
an  interest  in  the  struggles  of  the  American  colon- 
ists. The  weakness  of  the  East  India  Company  was 
becoming  more  and  more  evident,  and  a  good  many 
people  felt  uneasy  about  the  outcome  of  a  possible 
rebellion  in  the  Indies.  "  What  will  happen,*'  people 
asked,  *'  when  the  Dutch  colonists  in  India,  Amer- 
ica, or  Africa  shall  hear  of  the  success  of  the  Amer- 
ican yeoman?  Will  not  they  wish  to  imitate  the 
American  example  and  rid  themselves  of  the  Dutch 
yoke?  Is  n't  it  the  duty  of  all  Christian  nations  to 


JOAN   DERCK   VAN   DER   CAPELLEN   VAN    DE    POLL 
After  an  engraving  by  L.  J.  Cathelin 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     201 

assist  England  in  her  present  difficulties  in  order 
to  prevent  all  future  outbreaks  of  a  similar  nature 
in  other  colonies?" 

The  fact  that  the  Count  of  Nassau  thought  it 
necessary  in  his  fifth  letter  to  enter  upon  a  discus- 
sion of  these  questions  shows  us  how  common  the 
anxiety  must  have  been.  According  to  him,  how- 
ever, there  was  no  such  danger  in  the  Dutch  col- 
onies. Yes !  In  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonies, 
governed  as  they  were  by  a  civil  and  ecclesiastic 
inquisition,  a  similar  outbreak  might  occur.  But  he 
was  convinced  that  the  Dutch  colonists  would  never 
so  far  forget  the  ancestors  who  gave  their  lives  that 
their  descendants  might  be  free  as  to  turn  their 
hand  against  their  own  fatherland.  The  author, 
however,  seems  not  to  have  been  an  absolute  be- 
liever in  the  right  of  self-government  for  colonies. 
On  the  contrary,  he  rather  fears  that  the  American 
Revolution  was  provoked  by  the  large  amount  of 
hberty  which  England  had  allowed  her  colonists,  — 
a  liberty  far  surpassing  that  of  the  inhabitants  of 
other  colonies,  —  which  allowed  the  Americans  to 
develop  their  own  local  political  commonwealth 
until  the  present  clash  had  resulted. 

Those  letters  by  Nassau  La  Leek,  published  in 
many  editions  during  several  years,  are  among  the 
most  judicious  publications  of  the  day  upon  any 
subject.  They  are  almost  the  only  articles  about 
the  American  troubles  which  do  not  lose  them- 
selves in  rabid  accusations  of  England,  or  which 


202    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

try  to  base  their   assertions  upon  documentary 
fact. 

Unfortunately  there  were  not  many  authentic 
documents  at  the  disposal  of  the  pubHc.  There 
were  no  blue-books  or  statistics  of  any  sort.  There 
were  hardly  a  score  of  Americans  in  Europe  to  give 
verbal  information.  The  chief  source  of  informa- 
tion for  the  Count  was  Thomas  Paine's  *' Common 
Sense,"  a  book  which,  notwithstanding  its  great 
success,  was  hardly  a  reliable  guide.  The  popular- 
ity of  this  book  in  America  was  soon  equaled  by 
that  it  enjoyed  in  Europe.  As  early  as  1776  it  had 
been  printed  in  French  in  Amsterdam.  Henceforth 
it  served  all  pamphleteers  —  "those  poor  devils 
whose  pangs  of  hunger  drive  them  to  their  desk," 
as  van  der  Capellen  calls  them —  as  a  handbook  for 
their  studies  of  affairs  in  the  thirteen  colonies.  This 
had  the  curious  result  that  a  good  many  writers 
worried  about  the  ability  of  the  colonists  to  manage 
their  own  political  affairs.  For  Mr.  Paine,  with 
legitimate  pride  in  his  native  state  of  Pennsylvania 
and  its  population  of  "Pennsylvania  Dutch,"  had 
tried  to  prove  that  this  rebellion  was  not  a  matter 
of  Anglo-Saxon  interest  alone,  but  that  Germany, 
so  largely  represented  in  the  noble  country  of  his 
birth,  and  Europe  in  general,  were  immediately 
concerned  in  the  outcome  of  the  struggle.  "If,"  so 
the  Dutch  pamphleteer  reasoned,  "this  is  true,  — 
and  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  to  the  contrary,  — 
then  we  fail  to  see  how,  with  so  many  Germans, 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     203 

the  American  commonwealth  can  ever  maintain  its 
independence."  Nobody  at  that  period  of  history 
could  beheve  that  the  German  race  would  ever  un- 
derstand or  be  able  to  live  under  the  Anglo-Saxon 
form  of  government,  with  its  characteristic  traits  of 
self-help  and  self-reliance. 

All  in  all,  during  the  years  1776  and  1777  about 
thirty-four  different  pamphlets  were  printed  dis- 
cussing the  American  question  directly  or  indirectly. 
When  we  compare  this  number  with  the  countless 
pamphlets  printed  during  the  next  years,  it  seems 
rather  small,  and  indicates  no  very  great  interest 
in  the  question  which  so  excited  van  der  Capellen 
and  his  friends.  But  we  must  not  forget  that  we  are 
only  at  the  beginning  of  this  strange  period  in  our 
history  when  there  were  almost  as  many  new  pam- 
phlets as  there  were  days  in  the  year.  During  the 
years  that  were  to  follow  everybody  who  had  some- 
thing to  say,  or  who  thought  that  he  had  something 
to  say,  rushed  into  the  nearest  printing-shop  and 
favored  the  world  with  an  expression  of  his  profound 
reflections.  Often  the  public  refused  to  be  so  favored 
and  refused  to  buy  the  writer's  literary  product. 
In  that  case  the  latter  eventually  returned  to  the 
paper-mill  and  was  resolved  into  its  original  pulp. 

The  only  person  who  fared  well  by  this  industry 
was  the  printer,  who  asked  for  payment  in  advance. 
A  laudable  desire  for  economy  on  the  latter's  part 
and  the  extremely  cheap  paper  which  he  used  in 
consequence,  have  saved  us  from  the  contemplation 


204    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPLIBLIC 

of  our  great-grandfathers'  literary  labors.  The  eter- 
nal demand  of  grocers  and  butchers  for  packing- 
paper  has  done  away  with  countless  other  bales  of 
printed  paper,  but  enough  remains  to  give  us  a  fair 
idea  of  the  amount  of  ink  that  was  wasted  between 
the  years  1778  and  1800." 

It  is  true  that  the  pamphleteering  industry  had 
never  been  wholly  unknown  in  the  Republic.  Upon 
certain  occasions,  such  as  discussion  about  the  man- 
agement of  the  East  India  Company,  the  bulb 
craze,  or  the  appointment  of  a  stadholder,  there 
usually  had  been  a  fair  crop  of  booklets  which  set 
forth  the  pros  and  cons  of  the  matter  under  discus- 
sion. During  the  period  which  we  are  about  to  de- 
scribe, however,  the  "Ode  to  a  Dead  Frog"  is  a  seri- 
ous piece  of  literature  compared  to  most  of  what 
was  being  held  for  sale  in  the  book-shops  of  that 
day.  Everybody  was  trying  to  get  into  print.  The 
clergyman  had  no  sooner  delivered  himself  of  a 
sermon  on  the  affairs  of  the  day,  but  he  must  needs 
run  to  the  nearest  bookseller  and  give  him  the  job 
of  printing  his  exhortation.  Those  poets  who  made 
a  scant  livelihood  by  bursting  into  song,  for  two- 
pence a  line,  whenever  a  family  was  celebrating 
birth,  death,  or  marriage,  now  set  to  work  to  com- 
pose rhymed  comedies  in  which  the  perfidious 
Briton  was  held  up  to  ridicule.  Persons  with  a  sen- 
timental turn  of  mind  wept  bitter  tears  on  the 
prospective  graves  of  the  Hessian  soldier,  sold  into 
slavery  by  a  heartless  master. 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     205 

Amateur  politicians  sprang  forth  with  the  most 
intricate  systems  of  international  treaties  by  which 
the  Republic  should  surround  herself  as  a  safe- 
guard from  possible  British  attacks.  The  majority 
of  these  advised  an  alliance  with  France;  but  others 
preferred  to  seek  salvation  elsewhere  —  even  with 
poor  old  Spain,  long  since  forgotten  as  a  first-class 
nation. 

Others,  with  an  eye  for  the  practical  side  of 
things,  advised  the  immediate  conclusion  of  a  com- 
mercial treaty  with  the  new  American  Republic. 
The  sooner  this  was  done,  so  they  argued,  the  more 
advantages  the  Republic  might  hope  to  receive. 

There  was  one  very  popular  way  in  which  to  dis- 
cuss questions  from  all  sides.  First,  there  appeared 
a  "Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  London  to  his 
Friend  in  Amsterdam."  This  was  followed  by  "An 
Answer  from  a  Gentleman  in  Amsterdam  to  his 
Friend  in  London."  The  next  pamphlet  had  as 
title,  "An  Answer  from  a  Gentleman  in  London  to 
an  Answer  by  his  Friend  from  Amsterdam."  There 
also  were  variations  upon  this  theme.  An  "Un- 
prejudiced Observer  "  or  an  "  Open-minded  Patriot " 
could  at  any  moment  take  part  in  this  correspond- 
ence and  publish  his  "Frank  Observations  on  the 
Answer  of  a  Gentleman  from  London  to  the  An- 
swer of  his  Friend  in  Amsterdam."  And  so  on  ad 
infinitum. 

Whenever  the  supply  of  homemade  articles 
showed  signs  of  diminishing,  the  foreign  market  was 


206    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

called  upon  to  provide  new  material.  Some  poor 
hack  would  be  hired  to  translate  a  few  French  or 
English  pamphlets,  and  the  fruits  of  his  pen  would 
be  sent  into  the  world  under  a  new  and  imposing 
name.  The  public  seems  to  have  bought  these 
pamphlets  —  which  cost  from  three  to  fivepence 
a  piece  —  very  much  in  the  same  way  that  we  now- 
adays buy  newspaper  extras.  Even  when  we  know 
that  they  cannot  possibly  contain  any  actual  news, 
we  buy  them  merely  out  of  a  sort  of  nervous  desire 
to  "get  the  latest." 

Needless  to  say,  the  large  majority  of  the  pam- 
phlets were  strangely  anti-British.  The  very  few 
which  appeared  defending  the  good  rights  of  the 
English  government  were  not  read,  and  were  de- 
rided as  the  shameful  products  of  corrupt  writers 
who  for  mere  lucre  put  their  pen  at  the  disposal  of 
heartless  tyrants.  (For  heartless  tyrant  read  King 
George,  or  his  friend,  the  Stadholder.)  With  the 
constant  intercourse  between  the  two  countries  and 
the  excellent  mail  service  between  Amsterdam  and 
London,  it  is  no  matter  of  great  surprise  that  the 
English  were  fairly  well  informed  of  the  often  scan- 
dalous libels  which  were  to  be  found  plentifully  on 
the  tables  of  every  alehouse  in  the  Republic.  Nor 
can  we  suspect  the  British  government  of  being 
pleased  with  these  loud  denunciations  which  came 
from  a  nation  supposed  to  be  its  friend,  which  en- 
joyed the  privileges  of  the  most  favored  nation. 

And,  to  make  things  worse,  England  had  been 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     207 

most  unhappy  in  the  choice  of  her  diplomatic  repre- 
sentative in  the  Hague.  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  belonged 
to  that  class  of  arrogant  British  diplomats  who  at 
all  times  and  in  all  countries  have  by  their  over- 
bearing behavior  done  so  much  to  prevent  a  good 
understanding  between  their  home  country  and  the 
land  to  which  they  were  accredited.  He  was  very 
honest,  and  belonged  to  that  order  of  honest  people 
who  always  speak  the  truth  when  it  does  most  harm 
and  is  least  called  for.  He  represented  a  country 
which  was  then  at  the  height  of  its  glory,  the  fore- 
most nation  of  Europe.  But  he  represented  it  in 
a  country  which  was  then  rapidly  going  towards  the 
lowest  depth  it  would  ever  reach.  Sir  Joseph  un- 
fortunately had  the  bad  tact  to  let  the  Hollanders 
continually  feel  their  changed  condition,  and  was 
very  apt  to  treat  the  Estates  General  as  if  they  ex- 
isted only  by  sufferance  of  His  British  Majesty. 

The  tradition  of  many  centuries  had  established 
a  privileged  position  for  the  British  minister  in  the 
Hague.  He  was  often  called  upon  to  be  the  unoflS- 
cial  adviser  of  the  stadholders,  who  were  so  closely 
related  to  the  British  throne.  From  the  very  begin- 
ning, however.  Sir  Joseph  could  not  get  along  with 
the  friends  of  the  young  Stadholder.  The  Stadholder 
himself,  he  soon  considered,  a  negligible  quantity, 
a  man  who  had  to  be  protected  occasionally  against 
his  enemies  who  were  also  the  enemies  of  England. 

The  Stadholder  on  his  side  was  afraid  of  the 
grouchy  old  Briton,  who  would  address  him  without 


208    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

any  ceremony,  who  would  ask  such  pertinent  ques- 
tions that  it  was  next  to  impossible  to  tell  him  a  lie 
or  to  spar  for  time  in  which  to  get  up  an  appropri- 
ate answer.  Neither  did  William  like  to  be  reminded 
at  all  times  of  his  complete  dependence  upon  Eng- 
land for  a  secure  hold  upon  his  own  high  office. 
The  Princess,  who  had  not  yet  played  any  political 
r61e,  being  too  much  occupied  with  her  nursery,  dis- 
liked the  Englishman  from  the  beginning  and  always 
kept  out  of  his  way. 

With  the  Regents  Sir  Joseph  got  along  even 
worse.  Their  High-and-Mightinesses,  each  one  a 
little  potentate  in  his  own  small  circle,  had  to  be 
handled  with  great  care.  A  mistake  in  the  correct 
title  by  which  they  expected  to  be  addressed  might 
cause  no  end  of  annoyance.  Sir  Joseph,  who  went 
right  ahead,  regardless  of  other  people's  feelings, 
was  continually  stepping  on  everybody's  sensitive 
toes.  Instead  of  flattering  the  Regents  and  cajoling 
them  into  complying  with  his  wishes,  he  used  to 
tell  them  abruptly  what  he  wanted  and  then  would 
expect  them  to  do  as  he  desired.  Whenever  his 
requests  were  not  immediately  granted,  he  used  to 
rumble  with  the  British  thunder  and  threaten  the 
Republic  with  the  terrible  things  that  might  happen 
if  the  just  demands  of  His  British  Majesty's  govern- 
ment should  be  disregarded. 

The  Regents  retaliated  by  most  exasperating 
slowness  in  all  their  dealings  with  Sir  Joseph.  They 
never  said  "No."   They  never  gave  him  a  chance 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     209 

to  call  forth  the  storm  which  was  to  destroy  them. 
But  neither  did  they  ever  say  "Yes."  They  let  His 
Excellency  know  that  "the  matter  was  under  dis- 
cussion," and  then  they  gave  him  a  few  months  in 
which  to  cool  off  his  anger  —  a  proceeding  which 
usually  had  an  effect  opposite  to  that  intended.  In 
this  way  the  misunderstanding  between  the  two 
countries  was  continually  increased.  On  the  side  of 
the  Republic  there  was  a  good  deal  of  insolence  and 
a  prejudiced  desire  to  see  everything  British  in  as 
bad  a  light  as  possible.  On  the  side  of  England  there 
was  a  good  deal  of  just  cause  for  annoyance,  but  also 
an  insolent  disregard  of  the  feelings  of  its  neighbor. 
The  only  person  who  benefited  by  all  this  quar- 
reling was  the  French  minister.  D 'Affray  had  been 
called  back  and  had  been  succeeded  by  a  young 
diplomat,  the  Duke  de  Vauguyon.  Paul  Frangois 
de  Guelen,  Duke  de  Vauguyon,  son  of  the  former 
governor  of  Louis  XIV,  was  only  thirty  years  old 
when  he  was  sent  to  the  Hague.  What  he  lacked  in 
experience  he  made  up  for  by  a  charming  personal- 
ity and  by  a  large  personal  fortune  which  he  used 
most  liberally  for  his  diplomatic  purposes.  He  never 
bothered  about  the  Stadholder.  He  did  not  even 
take  the  trouble  to  oppose  him,  but  left  him  in 
peace  and  used  all  his  influence  towards  establishing 
a  firm  friendship  with  the  Regents.  To  the  Regents 
his  palace  and  his  purse  were  open  at  all  times,  and 
around  his  excellent  dinners  he  used  to  collect  as 
many  of  them  as  were  willing  to  come. 


210    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Van  der  Capellen  and  his  democratic  friends  he 
carefully  avoided.  It  is  true  that  a  good  many 
Frenchmen  at  that  moment  shared  the  Republic's 
popular  enthusiasm  for  the  Americans  and  for 
everything  American,  up  to  the  wearing  of  hats  and 
coats  a  V Americain.  But  such  enthusiasm  was 
considered  a  pastime  for  fashionable  people.  For 
those  who  were  not  fashionable  the  system  of  "by 
the  grace  of  God  '*  was  considered  good  enough  and 
was  rigorously  maintained.  Even  when  in  1778 
France  entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  Americans, 
this  was  done  not  so  much  out  of  an  abstract  love 
for  those  principles  which  the  Americans  were  sup- 
posed to  defend  as  in  the  hope  of  earning  sweet 
revenge  for  the  loss  of  Canada. 

His  Excellency  the  French  ambassador  had  not 
been  sent  to  the  Republic  for  sentimental  reasons. 
His  duty  was  to  get  the  Republic  away  from  Eng- 
land and  to  force  her  into  an  alliance  with  France. 
For  France  needed  money,  and  with  the  impending 
expedition  to  America  would  soon  need  more,  and 
the  Republic  possessed  those  indispensable  funds. 
De  Vauguyon,  therefore,  took  great  pains  to  get  into 
the  right  relationship  with  the  banking  interests  of 
the  country.  In  Amsterdam  he  had  a  host  of  friends. 
Gradually  he  established  for  himself  the  position  of 
unofficial  head  of  all  those  among  the  Regents  who 
opposed  the  Stadholder.  Outwardly,  however,  he 
maintained  correct  relations  with  William.  For  the 
Prince  of  Orange  was  an  excellent  weapon  with 


THE^  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     211 

which  to  menace  the  Regents.  Should  they  show 
themselves  unmanageable,  de  Vauguyon  could  al- 
ways threaten  to  throw  France's  influence  in  favor 
of  their  enemy,  the  Stadholder. 

In  one  word,  the  French  minister  did  a  very 
clever  piece  of  balancing  between  the  different 
parties.  Wherever  Sir  Joseph  by  his  boorishness 
had  made  new  enemies,  de  Vauguyon  was  sure  to  ap- 
pear and  by  the  charm  of  his  manner  turn  the  in- 
sulted parties  into  his  firm  and  everlasting  friends. 
Whenever  the  Dutch  merchants  were  loud  in  their 
complaints  about  the  British  and  denounced  their 
brusque  methods  in  dealing  with  the  smuggling 
trade,  they  were  informed  of  the  benefits  that  would 
result  if  only  they  were  wilhng  to  leave  an  ally  who 
no  longer  behaved  as  such  and  throw  their  fate  in 
with  that  of  magnanimous  France. 

Circumstances  greatly  favored  the  Frenchman. 
In  the  West  Indies  the  relations  between  Dutch  and 
English  grew  steadily  from  bad  to  worse.  Not  only 
had  England  increased  her  fleet  in  the  Caribbean 
Sea,  but  she  had  also  hinted  to  her  merchants  at 
home  and  abroad  that  a  Httle  privateering  at  the 
expense  of  the  Dutch  would  not  be  punished  with 
the  gallows,  and  might  even  be  looked  upon  with 
favor  by  the  authorities  at  home.  And  the  patriotic 
British  ship-owners  from  Bristol  and  Plymouth, 
and  all  the  many  seaports  along  the  English  coast, 
had  caught  the  hint  and  had  started  chasing  Dutch 
ships  wherever  they  could  find  them.    The  Carib- 


212    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

bean  Sea  was  soon  full  of  respectable  buccaneers, 
who  stopped  and  plundered  whatever  ships  fell  into 
their  hands  in  the  interest  of  the  mother  country. 
Let  us,  at  least,  pay  tribute  to  their  impartiality. 
They  took  quite  as  many  French,  Spanish,  and 
Danish  as  they  did  Dutch  ships.  Whenever  they 
could  not  find  anything  on  the  sea,  they  were  apt  to 
extend  their  operations  to  the  South  American  con- 
tinent. England  still  refused  to  recognize  the  United 
States  as  an  independent  nation,  and  wherever 
American  ships  were  found  in  Dutch  harbors  the 
English  quietly  declared  them  their  prizes. 

Upon  one  occasion  an  English  privateer  met  an 
American  merchantman  going  from  Surinam  to 
Virginia.  ^^  The  American  ship  fled  and  returned 
to  the  coast,  where  it  was  captured  under  the  very 
nose  of  a  Dutch  fortress  and  a  Dutch  man-of-war. 
Loud  was  the  wail  which  the  Dutch  press  made 
about  this  "attack  upon  Dutch  sovereignty"  and 
the  insult  offered  to  the  captain  of  the  Dutch  ship, 
who,  when  he  tried  to  demand  an  explanation  of 
the  English  captain,  was  told  to  "get  out  or  take 
care  that  he  did  not  get  shot,  too." 

The  matter  was  immediately  carried  to  the  atten- 
tion of  Sir  Joseph.  But  His  Excellency  had  waited 
for  just  such  an  occasion  to  say  what  was  in  his 
mind.  The  Estates  General,  so  he  told  them,  might 
as  well  know  once  and  for  all  that  the  King  of  Eng- 
land, his  august  master,  had  decided  that  in  the 
future  he  would  exercise  what  was  merely  his  good 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     213 

right,  everywhere  and  under  all  conditions.  The 
King,  therefore,  intended  to  attack  the  rebellious 
Americans  wherever  His  Majesty's  arms  or  fleet 
could  find  them,  and  would  inflict  due  punishment 
upon  all  those  who  either  supported  said  Americans 
or  who  gave  them  hospitality.  Finally,  His  Majesty 
thought  that  it  would  be  of  much  greater  advantage 
to  his  country  to  have  open  and  duly  recognized 
enemies  than  to  have  so-called  allies  who  provided 
His  Majesty's  rebellious  subjects  with  all  the  con- 
traband of  war  they  needed. 

Sir  Joseph  did  not  do  things  by  halves.  The  hint 
which  he  gave  was  broad  enough.  The  RepubHc 
in  this  period  of  her  history  was  playing  a  miser- 
able role.  She  openly  encouraged  the  enemies  of  her 
ally  in  order  to  make  some  money.  She  so  neglected 
her  fortifications  that  her  harbors  were  at  the  mercy 
of  any  English  catboat  that  ventured  to  sail  across 
the  ocean.  When,  in  consequence  of  this  dishonest 
policy,  the  Republic  finally  got  into  trouble,  she 
knew  no  way  to  get  redress  but  by  allowing  her 
hired  scribes  to  vilify  England  and  to  call  the  Brit- 
ish minister  a  boor. 

Meanwhile,  everybody  in  the  Republic  was  ask- 
ing everybody  else:  "Why  is  not  something  being 
done.?"  "Why  does  not  the  Stadholder  send  out 
a  fleet  to  protect  our  interests.'*"  "Are  we  always 
going  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  this  British  insolence.'*" 
Just  that  sort  of  questions  were  asked  in  Athens 
when  Sparta  destroyed  its  prosperity  and  in  Rome 


214    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

when  the  Barbarians  swooped  down  upon  the  out- 
lying provinces. 

"Why  is  not  something  being  done?"  As  a  mat- 
ter of  fact,  the  Stadholder  did  try  to  do  something. 
There  were  plans  and  discussions  about  sending  a 
fleet  of  twenty  ships  to  the  Caribbean  Sea  to  de- 
fend the  Dutch  colonies  and  protect  the  merchant- 
men against  the  English  privateers.  The  first  ques- 
tion was  where  to  find  twenty  ships.  The  second, 
where  to  find  the  sailors  with  which  to  man  the 
twenty  ships. ^^  Not  only  was  there  a  lack  of  funds 
with  which  to  build  ships,  but  the  renewed  activity 
in  the  smuggling  business  and  the  high  wages  paid 
to  the  sailors  who  engaged  in  it  caused  a  scarcity  of 
men  for  the  fleet  which  no  promise  of  a  high  enlist- 
ment premium  could  remedy. 

After  many  months  of  delay,  however,  eight  ships 
were  made  more  or  less  seaworthy  and  equipped  for 
the  trip  across  the  Atlantic.  In  the  last  month  of 
1777,  this  small  fleet,  under  command  of  Count 
Louis  van  Bylandt,  sailed  to  South  America  with 
strict  orders  to  protect  only  the  legitimate  trade. 
Bylandt  had  no  orders  to  suppress  the  "illegitimate 
trade."  Therefore,  while  he  defended  the  Dutch 
merchantmen  against  the  English  privateers,  he  did 
nothing  to  stop  the  export  of  contraband  goods  to 
the  United  States.  From  an  English  point  of  view, 
therefore,  the  Dutch  fleet  was  only  another  insult 
to  Great  Britain  and  had  no  other  purpose  than 
to  encourage  Mr.  George  Washington  to  continue 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION     215 

in  his  rebellious  conduct.  Chance  only  prevented 
an  open  outbreak  at  that  time.  From  both  sides 
everything  was  being  done  to  create  mutual  ill- 
will. 

As  we  have  seen  before,  one  of  the  governors  of 
St.  Eustatius,  the  big  department  store  of  the  Amer- 
ican Revolution,  had  been  called  back  upon  a  num- 
ber of  complaints  by  the  English  and  had  been  re- 
placed by  a  certain  de  Graeff .  This  de  Graeff,  as  we 
also  have  had  a  chance  to  remark,  was  a  very  com- 
mon individual  and  saw  his  only  duty  in  making 
the  greatest  profit  in  the  shortest  time.  As  he  was 
a  man  of  great  commercial  industry  and  no  integ- 
rity whatsoever,  his  activities  were  all  the  more 
detrimental  to  the  reputation  of  the  island  of  which 
he  happened  to  be  governor. 

One  of  his  first  acts  caused  no  end  of  irritation  in 
England.  On  the  16th  of  November,  1776,  a  ship 
flying  the  American  flag  entered  the  harbor  of  St. 
Eustatius.  The  governor,  though  he  knew  that  the 
American  colonies  were  not  yet  recognized  as  an 
independent  nation,  ordered  his  men  to  find  a  gun 
that  could  be  fired  and  to  salute  the  new  flag. 
Since  the  American  Revolution  has  been  successful 
and  everything  has  come  out  as  well  as  the  most 
ardent  American  patriot  could  hope,  this  act  of 
de  Graeff  is  lauded  as  the  first  honor  which  the 
nations  of  the  world  paid  to  the  free  and  enlight- 
ened commonwealth  of  the  West.  At  that  moment, 
however,  the  act  of  de  Graeff  was  a  decided  breach 


216    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  tact  committed  against  a  friendly  nation,  and  it 
is  no  wonder  that  England  resented  it. 

When  the  matter  was  reported  to  the  Hague,  — 
via  London,  —  Sir  Joseph  in  his  usual  way  made  a 
great  ado  about  it.  Even  when  making  the  most 
reasonable  complaint  he  had  the  unhappy  faculty 
of  irritating  everybody  to  the  point  where  they 
felt  that  they,  and  not  he,  were  the  persons  who  had 
suffered  an  injustice.  In  this  case,  however,  the  fact 
could  not  possibly  be  denied.  The  Estates  General 
followed  the  only  course  open  to  them  and  ordered 
de  Graeff  to  be  recalled.  The  investigation  of  his 
conduct  was  dragged  along  in  the  customary  way. 
From  all  sides  pressure  was  being  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  authorities  not  to  let  such  a  valuable 
man  be  lost.  Soon  de  Graeff  complained  that  his 
health,  after  so  many  years  in  the  tropics,  could  not 
stand  the  strain  of  the  Dutch  climate.  He  was  then 
allowed  to  return  to  his  old  home,  and  was  rein- 
stated as  governor  of  St.  Eustatius.  Neither  Eng- 
land's remonstrance  nor  Sir  Joseph's  violence  of 
language  had  done  the  slightest  good. 

Everything  remained  as  before.  The  Dutch 
smuggled,  the  English  buccaneered.  The  Stad- 
h  older  grew  pale  in  the  face  and  stammered  apolo- 
gies; Sir  Joseph  grew  red  in  the  face  and  bellowed 
revenge.  Finally,  events  took  their  natural  course 
and  war  broke  out  between  the  Republic  and 
England. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   LAST  ENGLISH  WAR 

On  the  6th  of  February,  1778,  France  made  a  secret 
treaty  with  America.  It  took  exactly  one  month  for 
the  secret  to  become  known.  In  March,  France  and 
England  were  in  open  warfare.  There  was  great 
joy  in  the  Republic.  France  depended  upon  the 
Dutch  merchant  marine  to  furnish  her  with  many 
of  the  necessities  of  war  and  there  was  a  prospect  of 
a  few  years  of  good  business.  Most  of  all,  France 
would  need  wood  for  the  building  of  her  ships,  and 
wood  was  one  product  of  which  the  Dutch  store- 
houses were  full.  During  the  last  few  years  there  had 
been  so  much  talk  about  the  building  of  a  new  fleet 
that  the  Dutch  merchants,  as  a  speculation,  had 
bought  large  quantities  of  wood  in  Scandinavia  and 
in  the  Black  Forest.  When  it  became  clear  that  no 
new  Dutch  ships  were  to  be  built,  these  merchants 
found  themselves  overstocked.  They  now  had  the 
prospect  of  getting  rid  of  their  large  supply  at  a 
very  neat  profit. 

On  the  sea  England  was  much  stronger  than 
France.  As  we  have  said,  the  latter  part  of  the 
eighteenth  century  was  the  age  of  the  wooden 
Dreadnought.  In  the  sixteenth  century  it  was  a 
comparatively  easy  matter  to  equip  a  fleet.  A  few 
guns  on  the  deck  of  a  lugger  or  a  schooner  and  your 


218    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

man-of-war  was  ready.  Many  of  the  greatest  battles 
in  the  naval  warfare  between  Spain  and  Holland 
had  been  fought  by  the  Hollanders  with  sloops 
provided  with  a  few  inferior  cannon.  In  the  days 
of  de  Witt,  the  regular  navy,  with  ships  of  from 
five  hundred  to  seven  hundred  tons,  had  replaced 
the  old  amateur  fleet.  From  that  time  on,  the  size 
of  naval  vessels  was  constantly  increased  until  the 
iron  construction  of  the  nineteenth  century  did 
away  with  all  the  old  wooden  glory. 

When  in  1778  war  broke  out  between  England 
and  France,  England  had  no  fewer  than  two  hun- 
dred and  ninety -five  ships,  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
seven  of  which  carried  between  fifty  and  one  hun- 
dred guns  each.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
England  employed  some  sixty  thousand  sailors,  but 
this  number  was  gradually  increased  until,  in  1780, 
it  reached  the  total  of  one  hundred  thousand  men, 
a  number  never  dreamed  of  before. 

France,  on  the  other  hand,  had  only  two  hun- 
dred and  seventeen  ships,  of  which  sixty-eight  were 
of  the  larger  size.  As  in  modern  warfare,  only  the 
bigger  vessels  counted  in  actual  battle.  France, 
therefore,  would  have  been  outnumbered  almost 
two  to  one.  She  would  never  have  begun  this  war 
if  there  had  not  been  a  reasonable  hope  that  Spain 
would  soon  join  her.  Spain,  just  then,  was  experi- 
encing one  of  those  sporadic  attempts  at  political 
and  economic  improvement  which  occurred  fre- 
quently during  the  eighteenth  century.    Thus  it 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR  219 

happened  that  her  fleet,  though  numbering  only- 
one  hundred  and  thirty-four  vessels,  was  of  recent 
construction  and  that  many  were  big  ships  of  from 
sixty  to  one  hundred  and  twelve  guns  each. 

The  united  Spanish  and  French  fleets  might  have 
held  their  own  against  England,  and  France  wisely 
refrained  from  beginning  the  war  alone.  With  the 
exception  of  the  fight  at  Ouessant  on  the  27th  of 
July,  France  allowed  England  to  be  complete  mis- 
tress of  the  sea,  and  restricted  her  activities  to  the 
building  of  new  ships  and  the  strengthening  of  her 
position  on  land. 

The  alliance  between  France  and  America  meant 
a  great  personal  victory  for  the  American  delegates 
in  Europe,  and  more  especially  for  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin. Now  that  their  work  in  France  was  done,  the 
delegates  had  their  hands  free  and  could  extend 
their  operations  to  other  countries.  In  1777,  before 
the  outbreak  of  the  war  between  France  and  Eng- 
land, Franklin  had  made  one  attempt  to  establish 
closer  relations  with  the  Republic,  but  had  been 
quite  unsuccessful.  While  perfectly  willing  to  sell 
things  to  the  Americans  for  cash,  the  Dutch  were 
not  in  the  least  desirous  of  venturing  their  good 
money  in  such  a  risky  undertaking  as  an  American 
loan. 

A  year  later,  just  before  the  secret  alliance  be- 
tween France  and  America  became  generally  known, 
the  three  American  envoys,  Franklin,  Silas  Deane, 
and  Arthur  Lee,  wrote  to  the  Commission  on  For- 


220    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

eign  Affairs  that  they  had  been  informed  that  it 
might  be  to  their  advantage  if  one  of  them  should 
visit  the  RepubHc,  and  that,  therefore,  either 
Franklin  or  Deane  would  visit  Holland  as  soon  as 
the  treaty  between  France  and  America  should 
have  become  known  and  the  winter  be  over.^^ 

Before  either  of  them  came  to  Holland,  however, 
the  French  minister  in  the  Hague  visited  Paris  and 
conferred  repeatedly  with  the  American  envoys.  He 
advised  them  to  make  a  definite  attempt  to  estab- 
lish friendly  relations  with  the  Republic.  He  as- 
sured the  Americans  of  his  moral  support  and  pro- 
mised his  help  wherever  he  could  give  it  unofficially. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  1778,  the  three  envoys  sent 
a  letter  to  van  Bleiswyk,  the  Raadpensionaris  of 
Holland.  In  this  letter,  dated  from  Paris,  the  Amer- 
icans informed  the  Raadpensionaris,  as  Secretary 
of  Foreign  Affairs  for  the  Republic,  that  the 
United  States  of  North  America  was  now  an  inde- 
pendent state,  had  been  recognized  as  such  by 
France,  and  had  concluded  a  friendly  alliance  and 
a  commercial  treaty  with  that  country.  Of  this 
treaty  they  allowed  themselves  to  inclose  a  copy  for 
His  Excellency's  consideration.  Would  His  Excel- 
lency, if  he  thought  it  advisable,  communicate  this 
document  to  the  Estates  General,  for  whom  the 
United  States  felt  such  a  great  respect?  And  would 
His  Excellency  accept  the  expression  of  their  sin- 
cere desire  to  see  pleasant  relations  established 
between  their  respective  countries,  in  order  that  a 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR  221 

commerce,  beneficial  to  both,  might  soon  be  estab- 
lished between  the  two  nations? 

As  a  matter  of  fact  His  Excellency  the  Raad- 
pensionaris,  who  was  no  hero,  was  greatly  embar- 
rassed by  this  document.  He  went  immediately  to 
tell  his  trouble  to  the  Stadholder.  The  Stadholder 
at  once  went  to  the  Duke  of  Brunswick.  Before 
they  had  come  to  their  decision,  Amsterdam,  which 
had  been  informed  of  the  details  of  this  corre- 
spondence by  its  good  friend,  the  French  minister, 
advised  that  the  matter  should  not  be  brought  up 
for  discussion  in  the  Estates  General,  but  that  the 
different  cities  should  be  informed  of  the  contents 
of  the  letter  and  should  agree  to  keep  it  secret.  So 
it  was  decided.  A  copy  of  the  letter  from  Messrs. 
Franklin,  Deane,  and  Lee  was  sent  to  the  delega- 
tions of  the  different  cities,  to  be  submitted  by  them 
to  the  wise  councils  of  their  respective  home  towns. 
In  this  way  one  secret  was  communicated  to  several 
hundred  people,  and  within  a  week  the  English 
newspapers  printed  all  the  details. 

Sir  Joseph,  who  was  often  better  informed  about 
what  was  going  on  in  the  Hague  than  the  Stad- 
holder himself,  had  known  of  the  arrival  of  the 
American  letter  almost  as  soon  as  it  had  reached 
the  Raadpensionaris.  Without  giving  him  time  to 
consult  van  Bleiswyk  or  the  Duke  of  Brunswick, 
the  English  minister  hastened  to  interview  the 
Prince.  He  asked  His  Highness  point-blank  what 
the  truth  of  the  matter  was.  The  Prince,  much  em- 


FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

barrassed,  stammered  a  denial,  then  told  Sir  Joseph 
how  much  he  was  personally  attached  to  the  King 
of  England,  and  finally  confessed  that  such  a  letter 
as  the  British  minister  had  just  mentioned  did 
exist. 

Sir  Joseph,  according  to  his  own  testimony,  flat- 
tered himself  that  during  the  interview  he  "omitted 
nothing  that  was  proper  to  be  said,"  and  afterward 
stated  that  he  had  "left  the  Prince  with  a  strong 
and  friendly  recommendation  not  to  suffer  himself 
to  be  entrapped  again."  With  England  in  full  pos- 
session of  all  the  facts,  the  only  thing  the  Estates 
General  could  possibly  do  was  to  ignore  the  Amer- 
ican communication.  It  was  filed  away  in  the 
archives. 

This  proceeding,  however,  was  little  to  the  taste 
of  Amsterdam.  When  Amsterdam  is  mentioned, 
the  Burgomasters  are  in  mind;  not  the  two  hundred 
thousand  people  residing  within  its  walls,  but  the 
town  council  and  the  few  families  which  made  up 
its  hereditary  government  and  which  ruled  the  city 
as  if  it  were  their  own  private  possession.  Amster- 
dam, then,  which  of  all  Dutch  cities  had  the  great- 
est interest  in  a  commercial  treaty  with  America, 
deeply  regretted  this  outcome  of  the  affair.  Since 
it  was  no  longer  possible  to  consider  the  question 
openly  in  the  Estates  General,  Amsterdam  decided 
to  take  matters  into  her  own  hands  and  to  con- 
tinue the  negotiations  with  the  American  envoys  at 
her  own  risk.    She  preferred  not  to  communicate 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         223 

directly  with  the  American  envoys  in  Paris,  but 
corresponded  with  them  through  a  certain  Dumas, 
who  was  the  American  man-of-all-work  in  the  Re- 
pubhc.  This  Dumas  was  a  typical  product  of  his 
time.  By  profession  he  was  a  tutor,  a  governor  of 
the  children  of  rich  families.  On  the  side  he  was  an 
amateur  diplomatist  and  looked  after  the  Dutch 
interests  of  the  American  delegation  in  Paris.  He 
kept  this  oflSce  all  during  the  first  negotiations  be- 
tween the  Republic  and  the  United  States.  He  then 
became  the  private  secretary  of  Adams,  the  first 
American  representative  in  Holland,  and  left  him 
to  enter  the  service  of  the  French  minister  in  the 
Hague. 

On  the  23d  of  September,  1778,  van  Berckel,  the 
radical  Pensionaris  of  Amsterdam,  wrote  a  letter  to 
Dumas.  Of  course,  so  van  Berckel  said,  it  would  be 
foolish  for  Amsterdam  to  conclude  a  treaty  with 
America  all  alone  and  without  informing  the  other 
cities  and  provinces.  But  on  the  other  hand,  Am- 
sterdam is  the  largest  and  most  influential  city  in 
the  Republic,  and  nothing  can  happen  in  the  Repub- 
lic without  Amsterdam's  consent  and  cooperation. 
Therefore,  it  would  be  a  good  idea  for  Amsterdam 
to  begin  to  pave  the  way  for  a  future  treaty.  As 
soon  as  the  war  between  England  and  America  is 
finished,  all  the  preliminary  work  will  have  been 
done  and  the  treaty  can  be  signed  at  once. 

The  plan  was  as  simple  as  it  was  beautiful.  In  a 
letter  of  the  same  day,  meant  directly  for  the  Amer- 


224    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

ican  envoys,  van  Berckel  expressed  the  same  ideas. 
The  existing  alliance  between  America  and  France 
could  serve  as  an  example,  he  thought,  for  a  similar 
one  between  the  Republic  and  America.  Of  course 
there  must  first  be  peace  between  America  and 
England,  but  in  expectation  of  this  peace,  why 
should  not  Amsterdam  and  the  envoys  of  the  Amer- 
ican Congress  perform  the  preliminary  work  now? 
And  would  the  Americans  kindly  keep  the  greatest 
secrecy  about  this  matter,  in  order  that  nobody 
whose  interest  it  was  to  prevent  the  plan  might 
interfere  and  spoil  it? 

This  letter  was  most  welcome  in  the  American 
camp.  An  answer  was  sent  without  delay.  The 
Americans  were  delighted.  Then  followed  a  few 
compliments.  But  why,  asked  the  Americans,  wait 
imtil  peace  shall  have  been  declared?  Why  wait 
until  England  shall  have  recognized  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  colonies?  Are  not  those  colonies 
practically  independent  at  this  very  moment?  To 
wait  might  be  dangerous  for  the  Republic.  The 
colonies  might  conclude  a  peace  with  England  at 
any  moment,  and  the  Republic  would  then  run  the 
risk  that  England  in  this  event  might  wish  to  re- 
serve for  herself  certain  commercial  privileges,  to 
the  disadvantage  of  other  nations,  and  the  Republic 
might  just  happen  to  be  one  of  the  other  nations. 

From  now  on  the  correspondence  moved  swiftly. 
Dumas  reported  that  he  had  seen  van  Berckel,  that 
Amsterdam  was  quite  as  willing  as  ever  to  enter  into 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         225 

negotiations  with  the  Americans,  but  that  at  the 
moment  Sir  Joseph  was  once  more  making  a  ter- 
rible fuss  about  the  Dutch  smugglers  and  Amster- 
dam was  obliged  to  move  with  great  circumspec- 
tion. The  Americans  thereupon  suggested  that 
Amsterdam  send  a  plenipotentiary  to  some  foreign 
city  where  he  could  meet  one  of  the  American  dele- 
gates with  whom  he  could  discuss  the  matter  more 
fully. 

Amsterdam,  however,  did  not  care  to  run  the  risk 
of  sending  a  member  of  the  town  government.  She 
let  some  of  the  influential  merchants  who  were 
interested  in  the  American  trade  into  the  secret. 
One  of  those,  Jean  de  Neufville,  head  of  a  house  of 
American  merchants,  was  unofficially  authorized  to 
discuss  the  possibilities  of  a  commercial  treaty  with 
the  American  delegate.  None  of  the  three  American 
envoys  in  Paris  could  leave  at  that  moment,  and 
as  their  representative  they  sent  William  Lee,  who 
was  looking  after  the  American  interests  in  Ger- 
many and  Austria. 

In  September,  1778,  in  Aix-les-Bains,  a  fashion- 
able watering-place,  where  a  cosmopolitan  crowd 
offered  a  splendid  opportunity  for  a  clandestine 
meeting,  Lee  and  de  Neufville  drew  up  the  rough 
draft  of  a  commercial  treaty  between  the  American 
and  the  Dutch  Republics.  This  rough  draft  con- 
tained thirty-four  articles.  It  was  to  be  kept  a 
secret  until  England  should  have  recognized  the 
independence  of  the  American  States.    It  would 


FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

then  be  submitted  to  the  American  Congress  and 
to  the  Dutch  Estates  General  for  their  approval. 

Having  finished  these  negotiations';  to  their 
mutual  content,  the  gentlemen  left  Aix-les-Bains 
without  having  been  discovered.  Lee  went  to 
Frankfurt,  and  thence  to  Paris,  where  he  reported 
the  success  of  his  mission  to  the  Commission  on 
Foreign  Affairs  in  America.  De  Neufville  went  back 
to  Amsterdam,  and  delivered  the  concept-treaty 
to  the  Burgomasters,  who  subjected  it  to  a  careful 
examination  and  suggested  some  minor  changes. 
Marvelously  enough,  the  whole  transaction  actu- 
ally remained  a  secret.  A  copy  of  the  treaty  in 
its  preliminary  form  reached  America  safely,  and 
during  the  next  two  years  nobody  except  the  few 
initiated  officials  knew  about  its  existence.  Then, 
by  the  purest  chance,  it  was  discovered  by  England 
and  led  to  war  with  the  Republic. 

But  brief  mention  should  be  made  of  the  happen- 
ings of  the  intervening  two  years.  The  Dutch 
merchants  now  delivered  their  contraband  wares 
not  only  to  the  Americans  but  also  to  France.  As 
we  have  seen  before,  wood  was  their  chief  article  of 
export.  England,  however,  had  declared  wood  to  be 
contraband  of  war.  It  took  every  Dutch  ship  which 
transported  such  wood,  sold  the  contents  thereof  in 
an  English  harbor,  and  then  allowed  the  ship  to  go 
home  with  the  proceeds  of  the  auction.  Such  forced 
sales  never  produced  anything,  and  the  Dutch  mer- 
chants whose  ships  were  caught  lost  much  money. 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         227 

Hence  there  arose  a  great  debate,  and  the  ques- 
tion was,  "Is  or  is  not  wood  contraband  of  war?" 
The  Repubhc  pointed  to  a  treaty  made  between  the 
two  countries  in  1674  in  which  wood  was  not  men- 
tioned as  contraband  of  war.  England  could  not 
deny  the  existence  of  this  treaty,  but  it  claimed 
that  circumstances  had  changed.  By  selling  the 
wood  to  the  French,  so  they  reasoned,  you  are 
selling  to  our  enemies  that  commodity  of  which  at 
present  they  are  most  in  need. 

It  was,  however,  useless  to  start  upon  a  discus- 
sion of  the  ethical  points  of  law  involved.  That  the 
Dutch  merchants,  who  during  their  own  war  of 
independence  had  steadily  sold  powder  and  guns  to 
the  Spaniards,  would  suddenly  become  possessed 
of  higher  notions  of  business  ethics,  was  not  to  be 
expected.  They  continued  to  trade  with  France 
as  well  as  they  could  under  the  constant  super- 
vision of  the  English  fleet,  and  nothing  was 
changed. 

It  is  interesting  to  read  the  letters  and  papers 
of  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  disastrous 
English  war  of  1780.  It  seemed  that  nobody  in  the 
Republic  was  as  yet  aware  of  the  fact  that  his  nation 
had  become  a  sixth-rate  power;  that  against  the 
hundreds  of  ships  of  England,  the  Republic  could 
not  oppose  a  dozen  of  her  own.  The  diplomatic 
information  of  that  day  was  extremely  poor.  The 
government  in  the  Hague  was  kept  badly  in- 
formed, and  the  notions  which  the  majority  of  the 


228    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

people  held  about  everything  were  usually  not 
borne  out  by  fact. 

The  belief  that  England  was  responsible  for  their 
decline  in  prosperity  made  most  Hollanders  blind 
to  the  real  facts.  If  only  the  alliance  with  England 
were  given  up,  so  they  reasoned,  and  a  new  one 
were  made  with  France,  everything  would  come 
out  all  right,  and  yet  at  the  very  moment  France 
was  beginning  to  suffer  from  chronic  starvation  and 
was  very  near  bankruptcy!  It  was  this  blindness 
which  made  it  so  easy  for  the  French  minister  in  the 
Hague  to  bully  the  Republic  into  submission. 

After  a  long  series  of  protests  from  England,  the 
Estates  General,  on  the  19th  of  November,  were 
forced  to  proclaim  officially  that  "henceforth,  no 
vessels  loaded  with  wood,  suitable  for  the  building 
of  ships,  would  be  given  convoy  by  the  Republic's 
men-of-war."  France  immediately  informed  the 
Republic  that  she  never  would  consent  to  this  rul- 
ing, that  she  was  obliged  to  consider  this  decision 
of  the  Estates  General  a  breach  of  neutrality,  and 
that  in  case  the  Republic  was  going  to  align  herself 
at  England's  side  by  the  promulgation  of  such  a 
law,  France  would  be  obliged  to  deprive  the  Re- 
public of  all  the  rights  and  privileges  which  her 
merchants  so  far  had  enjoyed. 

The  French  minister  sent  this  communication  on 
the  7th  of  December.  Twelve  days  passed,  and  the 
Estates  General  had  not  yet  sent  an  answer.  On 
the  19th  of  December  France  repeated  her  demand 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         229 

and  renewed  her  threats.  Eleven  days  later,  the 
Estates  General  informed  the  French  minister  that 
the  question  was  under  discussion. 

This,  however,  did  not  satisfy  the  government  in 
Paris.  An  edict  revoking  all  such  laws  as  favored 
the  Hollanders  above  other  nations  was  signed  by 
the  King  and  sent  to  the  Hague.  The  French  min- 
ister had  orders  not  to  deliver  it  immediately.  He 
was  told  to  show  it  to  the  members  of  the  Estates 
General  and  to  his  friends  in  Amsterdam.  Soon  all 
the  Dutch  merchants  knew  of  the  document. the 
French  minister  carried  around  in  his  pocket. 
They  were  greatly  scared.  On  the  28th  of  March, 
the  Estates  General  of  the  Independent  Republic 
of  the  United  Seven  Netherlands  recalled  their 
decision  of  the  19th  of  November. 

We  do  not  intend  to  describe  in  detail  the  many 
humiliations  of  a  similar  nature  which  the  Repub- 
hc  suffered  during  the  next  year.  They  were  all 
brought  about  in  the  same  general  way.  On  one 
day,  driven  by  fear  of  England,  the  Republic  would 
adopt  a  certain  measure,  and  on  the  next,  through 
dread  of  offending  France  and  losing  some  commer- 
cial profit,  she  would  recall  her  decision.  She  was 
completely  at  the  mercy  of  England,  which  had  the 
stronger  navy,  and  of  France,  which  provided  the 
greater  revenue.  Both  nations  she  tried  to  placate 
by  halfway  measures  which  had  continually  to  be 
patched  up  to  please  one  or  the  other  of  the  two 
belHgerent  nations.  By  so  doing  she  systematically 


230    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

weakened  her  own  prestige  and  ended  by  being 
despised  by  both.  Only  after  wasting  many  pre- 
cious years  and  finally  being  driven  into  a  corner, 
from  which  she  could  no  longer  hope  to  extricate 
herself  by  delays  or  excuses,  did  she  at  last  deter- 
mine to  do  something  towards  the  defense  of  her 
independence.  Nothing,  however,  was  done  hur- 
riedly. First  of  all,  a  commission  was  appointed  to 
"investigate  the  condition  of  the  fleet  and  to  report 
thereon."  In  January  of  1779,  a  committee  of  dele- 
gates from  the  five  different  admiralties  met  in  the 
Hague  to  make  a  study  of  the  problem  and  to  pro- 
pose a  plan  of  reform. 

After  deUberations  lasting  three  months,  this 
committee  brought  out  its  report.  It  discovered 
that  the  Republic  did  not  possess  a  single  ship  of 
the  size  then  considered  necessary  for  naval  war- 
fare, of  which  England,  France,  and  Spain  each  pos- 
sessed a  large  number.  It  advised  that  the  Repub- 
lic begin  at  once  to  build  twelve  ships  of  seventy 
guns,  thirty  of  sixty  guns,  and  forty-two  of  from 
twenty  to  fifty  guns.  The  next  question  which  the 
commission  discussed  was,  what  to  do  with  those 
ships  when  they  were  once  built.  The  Repubhc  no 
longer  possessed  any  harbors  which  could  contain 
a  large  fleet.  Amsterdam  had  always  been  a  difficult 
port  to  reach  on  account  of  the  sandbanks  in  the 
Zuyderzee,  which  made  it  necessary  for  a  man-of- 
war  to  unload  all  her  cannon  and  most  of  her  rig- 
ging before  she  could  be  towed  over  the  principal 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         231 

banks.  Helder,  which  was  later  made  a  naval  port 
by  Napoleon,  then  offered  a  harbor  which  could 
only  be  used  in  summer-time,  and  then  only  when 
the  weather  was  fine.  Rotterdam  had  allowed  the 
Maas  to  run  so  full  of  sand  that  only  ships  of  less 
than  twelve  feet  draught  could  reach  her  harbors. 
The  only  safe  place  which  offered  any  accommoda- 
tions for  large  ships  was  Flushing  in  Zeeland.  Will- 
iam III  had  made  it  an  important  naval  base.  But 
no  sooner  was  William  dead  than  the  bankruptcy 
of  the  admiralty  of  Zeeland  and  the  jealousy  of  other 
cities  had  allowed  this  harbor  and  its  dock  and 
storehouses  to  go  to  ruin. 

As  for  all  the  thousand  and  one  things  which 
go  towards  the  equipping  of  ships,  the  committee 
found  that  nothing  had  been  provided.  There  was 
no  powder  for  the  cannon;  there  were  no  sails;  there 
was  no  rope ;  there  were  no  supplies.  The  magazines 
were  empty.  Where  could  these  supplies  be  found, 
the  commission  asked,  and  where  was  the  wood 
necessary  for  the  building  of  new  ships  and  the  re- 
pairing of  the  old  ones.'^ 

This  was  a  diflficulty  which  soon  proved  to  be  in- 
surmountable. All  the  wood  and  all  the  suppHes  of 
every  sort  and  description  had  been  bought  up  by 
the  Dutch  merchants  as  soon  as  France  got  into 
war,  and  most  of  it  had  been  sold  abroad.  What  re- 
mained at  home  the  Dutch  admiralties  could  now 
buy  only  at  exorbitant  prices.  It  was  to  no  avail, 
then,  that  the  naval  commission  sent  in  its  detailed 


232    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

report  on  the  10th  of  March,  which  gave  the  num- 
ber of  ships  that  ought  to  be  built,  the  names  of  the 
harbors  that  ought  to  be  enlarged,  indicated  the 
storehouses  that  ought  to  be  restocked,  and  speci- 
fied premiums  that  ought  to  be  offered  to  sailors 
in  order  to  entice  them  away  from  the  more  lucra- 
tive service  with  the  merchant  marine. 

To  make  the  European  political  situation  more 
complicated,  Spain  had  joined  France  and  had  also 
declared  war  upon  England.  A  French-Spanish 
fleet  was  reported  to  have  sailed  northward,  in  the 
direction  of  the  English  coast.  It  threatened  to  in- 
vade the  British  Islands.  According  to  the  treaties 
of  1678  and  1716,  England  had  a  right  to  demand  a 
certain  number  of  soldiers  and  ships  from  the  Dutch 
Republic. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  Sir  Joseph  reminded  the  Es- 
tates of  the  existing  treaties  and  in  the  name  of  the 
British  government  asked  for  assistance.  This  time 
the  Estates  General  could  not  excuse  themselves 
upon  the  ground  that  the  war  was  being  fought  out- 
side of  Europe.  They  all  escaped  the  difl&cult  issue 
by  sending  no  answer  at  all.  The  Franco-Spanish 
expedition  soon  came  to  nothing,  and  the  Republic, 
at  least  in  this  respect,  was  saved  further  trouble. 
But  after  each  new  refusal,  England  went  a  step 
farther.  She  now  treated  the  ships  of  the  United 
Provinces  as  if  they  belonged  to  a  belligerent  nation 
and  refused  to  listen  any  longer  to  the  feeble  pro- 
tests which  came  from  the  Hague.    The  British 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         233 

minister  had  but  one  answer  to  give  to  all  Dutch 
remonstrances:  "If  the  RepubHc  wished  to  act 
openly  as  if  she  had  taken  the  side  of  France,  she 
ought  not  to  expect  to  receive  any  preferential 
treatment  from  that  country  which  was  the  chief 
sufferer  through  her  unfriendly  actions." 

But,  behold,  right  in  the  middle  of  all  this  com- 
motion, with  the  Regents  accusing  the  Prince  of 
gross  neglect  of  duty  because  he  did  not  strengthen 
the  fleet,  and  the  Prince  accusing  the  Regents  of 
gross  neglect  of  duty  because  they  did  not  give 
him  the  funds  wherewith  to  build  new  ships,  and 
the  crowd  shouting,  "Down  with  England!"  and 
"Hurray  for  France  and  America!"  the  American 
Revolution  came  sailing  into  a  Dutch  harbor.  This 
was  no  less  a  personage  than  Commodore  Paul 
Jones,  the  best  propagandist  the  American  colonies 
had  on  the  Continent.  Franklin  appealed  to  the 
fashionable  element  in  the  community  by  reason  of 
his  own  studied  unfashionableness.  But  Jones  ap- 
pealed to  the  masses  by  reason  of  his  natural  char- 
acteristics. He  was  the  mixture  of  pirate  and  gentle- 
man, blagueur  and  stout  fighter,  which  will  always 
make  an  impression  upon  the  imagination  of  a 
peaceful  community,  those  who  stay  at  home  and 
smell  the  smoke  of  battle  only  in  their  dreams. 

In  the  year  1778,  Jones,  just  thirty  years  old, 
had  been  sent  from  America  to  Europe  with  a  ship 
of  eighteen  guns  called  the  Ranger.  He  started  his 
operations  in  the  Irish  Sea  and  captured  an  English 


234    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

ship  of  twenty  guns,  the  Drake.  Thereupon  he 
went  to  Brest;  arrived  in  Brest,  he  sent  his  own  ship 
back  to  America  and  assumed  command  of  a  squad- 
ron which  Franklin  had  equipped  for  him  in  the 
French  harbor.  Jones  hoisted  his  flag  on  an  old 
ship  which  had  previously  sailed  between  France 
and  the  Indies,  which  had  been  rebaptized  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard,  in  honor  of  Franklin's  "Poor 
Richard."  The  Bon  Homme  Richard  carried  thirty- 
eight  guns  and  three  hundred  and  eighty  men,  about 
one  hundred  of  whom  were  Americans.  The  others 
came  from  all  countries  of  Europe  and  a  few  from 
Asia.  Jones's  fleet  consisted  further  of  the  Alliance, 
so  called  in  honor  of  the  alliance  between  France 
and  America,  and  three  small  French  ships  of  from 
twelve  to  thirty-two  guns. 

With  this  outfit  Jones  sailed  through  the  Chan- 
nel and  into  the  North  Sea,  which  as  usual  was  full 
of  British  ships.  Several  times  he  landed  on  British 
territory  in  Scotland,  and  he  captured  some  Eng- 
lish vessels.  On  the  23d  of  September,  he  got  into 
conflict  with  an  English  squadron  which  was  accom- 
panying a  number  of  merchantmen  to  the  Baltic 
Sea.  The  EngHsh  vessels,  the  Serapis  of  forty-four 
guns,  and  the  Countess  of  Scarborough,  allowed  the 
merchantmen  to  escape  while  they  themselves  re- 
mained and  gave  fight  to  the  Americans. 

I  take  it  for  granted  that  the  battle  which  fol- 
lowed is  known  to  all  my  readers.  It  has  been  writ- 
ten about  by  many  excellent  American  historians. 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         235 

As  a  result  of  the  engagement  the  Serapis  was 
surrendered,  and  when  later  in  the  day  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard  sank,  Jones  moved  his  flag  to  his 
prize  and  with  what  remained  of  his  fleet  set  sail  for 
France.  Soon,  however,  it  appeared  that  with  the 
large  number  of  wounded  it  was  too  dangerous  to 
risk  a  trip  through  the  English  Channel,  and  Jones 
therefore  decided  to  make  for  the  nearest  port, 
which  in  this  case  happened  to  be  Texel. 

On  the  4th  of  October  of  the  year  1779,  the  Amer- 
ican flag  appeared  for  the  first  time  in  one  of  the 
harbors  of  the  RepubHc.  It  was  greeted  with  great 
enthusiasm.  The  Amsterdam  merchants  and  espe- 
cially de  Neufville,  who  previously  had  conducted 
the  negotiations  with  Lee,  immediately  got  into 
touch  with  the  American  admiral.  Van  der  Ca- 
pellen,  who  dearly  loved  to  write  letters  to  famous 
people  and  tell  them  all  about  himself  and  the  noble 
sentiments  which  were  ever  present  in  his  breast, 
favored  Jones  with  an  epistle  from  his  own  hand. 
He  hoped  that  Commodore  Jones  would  forgive  an 
old  and  tried  friend  of  America  the  liberty  he  was 
taking  in  addressing  him.  He  gave  expression  to 
the  unspeakable  satisfaction  with  which  he  had  re- 
ceived the  tidings  of  Mr.  Jones's  many  successes, 
and  wanted  an  "authentick  and  circumstanced" 
account  containing  "all  the  particulars  relating  to 
a  sea-fight  rather  to  be  found  in  the  books  of  the 
former  centuries  than  in  our  present  age."  Post- 
script: "Will  Commodore  Jones  excuse  the  Baron 


236    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

van  der  Capellen's  indiscretion  in  asking  him 
whether  he  is  an  American  by  birth?"  ^^ 

Commodore  Jones,  whatever  his  antecedents, 
was  a  poHshed  correspondent.  His  letter  to  the 
Countess  Selkirk  upon  the  sad  necessity  of  having 
had  to  take  away  her  husband's  plate,  and  promis- 
ing to  buy  it  himself  in  order  that  he  may  gratify 
his  own  feelings  by  restoring  it  to  her  Ladyship, 
is  one  which  might  be  used  in  our  own  day  as  a  class- 
ical example  of  the  lost  art  of  letter-writing. 

"My  Lord  [his  answer  to  Capellen  began]  — 
Human  nature  and  America  are  under  a  very  sin- 
gular obligation  to  you  for  your  patriotism  and 
friendship  and  I  feel  every  grateful  sentiment  for 
your  generous  and  polite  letter."  Then  follows  a 
bitter  wail  about  the  way  in  which  he,  Jones,  has 
been  assailed  by  the  British  press.  He  encloses  a 
number  of  letters  for  the  inspection  of  the  Baron 
van  der  Capellen  in  order  that  the  Baron  may  see 
for  himself  how  falsely  he  has  been  accused.  Alas, 
it  is  true  he  was  not  born  in  America.  By  birth  he 
is  a  Briton,  but  fortunately  he  does  not  inherit  the 
degenerate  spirit  of  that  fallen  nation,  which  he  at 
once  laments  and  despises.  America  has  been  the 
land  of  his  fond  election  from  the  age  of  thirteen, 
when  he  first  saw  it.  After  expressing  the  hope  that 
the  two  Republics  will  join  hands,  —  in  which  case, 
they  will  give  Peace  to  the  world,  —  Mr.  Jones 
signs  himself  the  Baron  van  der  Capellen's  very 
obliged  and  very  obedient  humble  servant. 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         237 

Now,  while  this  visit  of  Commodore  Jones  was 
most  welcome  to  the  friends  of  hberty  and  to  the 
increasing  number  of  democrats,  it  was  very  em- 
barrassing to  the  government  at  the  Hague.  The 
situation,  indeed,  was  unique.  A  naval  commander 
of  a  country,  the  existence  of  which  was  not  recog- 
nized by  England,  at  the  head  of  a  number  of 
ships  of  a  nation  in  open  warfare  with  England, 
comes  into  a  Dutch  port  with  his  vessel  full  of 
English  prisoners  of  war;  and  before  he  has  been 
there  a  week  he  has  become  a  popular  hero,  his  pic- 
ture is  spread  broadcast,  and  his  fame  is  being  sung 
in  the  street  in  popular  ballads.  What  could  the 
Estates  General  do.?  Jones  by  his  behavior  did  not 
give  them  the  slightest  chance  to  object  to  his  pre- 
sence in  one  of  their  harbors.  He  was  politeness 
itself. 

It  happened  that  those  few  ships  which  the  ad- 
miralties had  been  collecting  for  the  protection  of 
the  mercantile  fleet  were  just  at  that  moment 
gathered  at  Texel.  Immediately  upon  arriving  at 
this  port,  Commodore  Jones  had  paid  his  respects 
to  the  Dutch  admiral  and  had  asked  for  permission 
to  hire  a  house  on  shore  to  serve  as  a  hospital  for 
the  wounded  sailors.  Post-haste  the  government 
informed  the  Dutch  admiral  not  to  return  the  visit, 
and  ordered  Mr.  Jones  to  keep  his  wounded  on 
board  his  ships. 

Neither  were  any  of  the  French  sailors  allowed 
to  land.  This  led  to  immediate  protest  from  the 


238    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

French  minister,  who  had  hoped  that  the  arrival  of 
this  fleet  might  force  the  Republic  into  a  war  with 
England.  No  sooner  had  he  lodged  his  complaint 
than  Sir  Joseph  descended  upon  the  Estates  Gen- 
eral and  expressed  himself  with  great  violence.  He 
had  gone  to  Texel,  but  he  had  not  been  allowed  to 
visit  his  imprisoned  countrymen  on  board  the  Amer- 
ican ships.  All  his  attempts  to  get  into  communica- 
tion with  the  British  prisoners  on  board  the  Amer- 
ican ships  had  failed  through  the  obstinacy  of  the 
Dutch  authorities.  Sir  Joseph  wanted  to  know 
what  this  meant.  A  certain  British  subject,  now 
turned  pirate,  had  taken  two  of  His  Majesty's  ships 
and  had  brought  them  into  a  Dutch  harbor.  It  was 
plainly  the  duty  of  the  Estates  General  to  see  that 
the  English  prisoners  in  the  port  of  Texel  were  at 
once  set  free,  and  to  surrender  Jones  to  the  Eng- 
lish courts  in  order  that  they  might  hang  him  as  a 
traitor  to  his  country. 

To  this  violent  outbreak  the  Estates  General 
gave  no  answer.  They  consented,  however,  that 
the  wounded  English  prisoners  be  sent  on  shore  for 
treatment.  At  the  same  time  they  ordered  the 
Dutch  admiral  at  Texel  to  offer  his  medical  assist- 
ance and  medical  supplies  to  the  American  wounded. 
For  the  Republic  was  now  placed  in  such  a  position 
that  the  smallest  favor  shown  to  the  English  had 
to  be  followed  by  an  equal  favor  to  the  French,  and 
vice  versa. 

After  a  few  weeks,  when  the  first  glamour  of  the 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         239 

novelty  of  the  unusual  visit  had  worn  off,  the 
stringent  orders  forbidding  American  and  French 
sailors  to  land  were  gradually  relaxed  and  the 
Americans  were  even  allowed  to  repair  their  dam- 
aged ships.  To  Jones  this  was  a  welcome  per- 
mission. The  sea  around  Texel  was  by  this  time 
full  of  English  vessels.  The  French-American 
squadron  could  hardly  hope  to  escape  them.  The 
longer  Jones  could  stay  on  neutral  ground  the  bet- 
ter for  him.  Repairs  were  really  begun,  but  after 
two  months  nothing  had  been  accomplished  except 
that  the  Countess  of  Scarborough  had  been  pro- 
vided with  a  new  bowsprit.  While  the  sailors 
worked  on  this  bowsprit,  Mr.  Jones  took  a  little 
trip  through  the  Republic  and  allowed  himself  to  be 
the  subject  of  great  popular  ovations. 

But  during  all  the  excitement  over  Mr.  Jones,  the 
Estates  General  had  not  come  any  nearer  to  a  final 
decision  about  the  important  question  of  contra- 
band. The  country  provinces  still  supported  the 
demands  of  England.  The  Province  of  Holland, 
however,  threatened  to  act  upon  her  own  initiative 
unless  the  others  should  discontinue  their  policy 
of  opposing  France.  This  threat  had  its  effect.  In 
the  midst  of  all  her  diflSculties,  the  Republic  could 
not  risk  having  her  richest  province  secede.  Some- 
thing had  to  be  done.  As  usual  a  compromise  was 
made  which  dissatisfied  all  parties.  It  was  decided 
to  gather  as  many  ships  as  possible  and  to  divide 
them  into  three  parts.  One  of  these  was  to  accom- 


240    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

pany  the  merchantmen  who  were  going  to  France, 
the  other  those  going  to  the  Baltic,  a  third  one 
would  protect  those  destined  for  the  Mediterranean. 
England's  wishes  were  granted  in  so  far  that  such 
merchantmen  as  accepted  the  official  convoy  were 
not  allowed  to  carry  wood.  They  were  allowed, 
however,  to  carry  iron  and  hemp,  two  commodities 
which  France  also  needed  for  the  building  of  her 
ships.  By  the  end  of  December,  this  fleet  was  to 
leave  Texel. 

Meanwhile  Sir  Joseph,  in  order  to  show  what  the 
British  government  thought  of  this  decision,  once 
more  came  with  a  number  of  demands  which  it  was 
impossible  for  the  Republic  to  grant.  What  had 
become  of  the  troops  that  the  Republic  was  bound 
to  send  to  England's  assistance.'^  No  answer.  Why 
did  the  Republic  allow  Paul  Jones  to  stay  on  in  her 
harbor  forever?  No  answer.  This  latter  question, 
however,  produced  a  result.  The  Dutch  govern- 
ment hinted  to  Jones  that  it  was  about  time  for  him 
to  finish  his  repairs  and  to  favor  another  country 
with  his  presence.  Mr.  Jones  was  in  no  hurry  and 
bided  his  own  time.  But  finally,  on  Christmas  Day 
of  1779,  he  slipped  quietly  out  of  the  harbor  and 
sailed  in  the  direction  of  France,  which  country  he 
reached  in  safety. 

.  Three  days  before  his  departure,  the  Dutch  fleet, 
under  command  of  Count  van  Bylandt,  started  on 
her  voyage.  Until  the  very  last  moment  the  Dutch 
authorities  had  feared  that  Jones  would  join  their 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         241 

fleet,  in  which  case  no  end  of  compHcations  might 
have  arisen.  This  one  difficulty,  however,  they  were 
spared.  But  there  were  others  and  enough  of 
them.^^ 

Of  the  merchantmen  that  had  asked  for  protec- 
tion, only  half  appeared  at  the  place  of  meeting. 
The  other  half  preferred  to  make  the  voyage  at 
their  own  risk.  For  so  great  was  the  fear  that  the 
English  might  stop  the  fleet  and  search  the  ships 
that  the  insurance  on  the  ships  under  convoy  was 
much  higher  than  on  those  that  ventured  out  alone 
and  unprotected.  It  had  been  promised  that  four 
more  ships  from  Rotterdam  would  join  van  Bylandt's 
squadron  when  he  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Maas. 
Although  van  Bylandt  waited  near  the  Zeeland 
Islands  a  considerable  time,  no  more  vessels  ap- 
peared. The  commander  of  the  missing  ships  after- 
ward excused  himself  because  "a  headwind  had 
kept  him  in  the  port  of  Goeree."  Apologies  and 
excuses  of  this  sort  will  be  plentiful  in  the  further 
part  of  our  history.  Van  Bylandt,  tired  of  waiting, 
continued  his  way  alone.  On  the  30th  of  December 
he  sailed  into  the  British  Channel,  and  soon  he  ap- 
proached the  British  shore.  His  arrival  was  immed- 
iately reported  by  a  number  of  small,  fast-sailing 
vessels  which  had  been  cruising  around  in  that  part 
of  the  sea  to  keep  an  eye  on  the  Dutch  fleet. 

The  next  day  —  the  last  day  of  the  year  177d  — 
the  Dutch  ships  passed  through  the  Channel  and 
were  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Isle  of  Wight, 


242    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Here  they  were  met  by  an  English  fleet  of  eight 
large  ships,  ranging  from  twenty-eight  to  ninety 
guns.  Van  Bylandt  ordered  the  merchantmen  to 
fall  in  line  behind  his  five  little  vessels  and  con- 
tinued his  way.  The  English  fleet  turned  right 
about  and  accompanied  the  Dutch  fleet  at  a  re- 
spectful distance.  Neither  side  showed  any  desire 
to  begin  hostilities.  The  English  still  wished,  if 
possible,  to  avoid  an  open  breach  with  the  Repub- 
lic, and  the  Dutch  commander  had  very  strict  or- 
ders to  refrain  from  any  act  which  might  lead  his 
country  into  war  with  Great  Britain.  During  the 
morning  of  that  day,  however,  the  English  fleet 
manoeuvred  in  such  a  way  that  it  finally  surrounded 
the  Dutch  squadron  and  their  escape  was  impos- 
sible. During  the  afternoon,  the  British  admiral, 
Charles  Fielding,  sent  a  boat  to  van  Bylandt's  flag- 
ship and  informed  him  that  he  —  Fielding  —  was 
under  orders  to  search  the  Dutch  ships. 

To  defend  himself  against  the  suf>erior  English 
ships  was  impossible.  Van  Bylandt,  therefore,  tried 
to  enter  into  negotiations.  He  offered  to  declare, 
under  oath,  that  the  merchantmen  which  were  un- 
der his  protection  did  not  carry  any  contraband 
of  war.  Fielding  answered  that  he  had  a  great 
respect  for  Mr.  van  Bylandt's  honor  and  would 
greatly  like  to  oblige  him,  but  that  he  was  under 
most  positive  orders  to  make  a  search  personally. 
Some  further  discussion  followed  between  the  two 
commanders,  but  it  led  to  no  results.   Fielding  in- 


,THE   LAST, ENGLISH  WAR         243 

sis  ted  upon  searching  the  Dutch  ships.  Van  By- 
land  t  declared  that  he  would  fire  upon  the  first 
English  boat  that  should  attempt  to  institute  such 
a  search.  Meanwhile  night  had  come  and  a  goodly 
number  of  the  Dutch  ships  extinguished  their  lights 
and  escaped  between  the  lines  of  the  English  ships 
and  made  for  a  Dutch  or  a  French  harbor.  The 
morning,  however,  found  both  fleets  still  in  the  same 
position,  and,  as  soon  as  daylight  appeared,  Field- 
ing prepared  to  search  one  of  the  Dutch  merchant- 
men. True  to  his  word,  van  Bylandt  fired  at  the 
British  boat  which  was  being  rowed  to  the  Dutch 
ships.  Immediately  the  British  vessels  turned  about 
and  answered  by  a  general  volley.  The  Dutch  re- 
turned the  fire  as  well  as  they  could  and  an  open 
battle  was  in  progress.  This  battle  lasted  exactly 
five  minutes.  Van  Bylandt,  who  knew  the  hope- 
lessness of  his  position,  then  thought  that  he  had 
done  enough  for  the  honor  of  the  flag  and  stopped 
firing.  No  material  harm  was  done.  The  English 
proceeded  to  search  all  the  merchantmen  diligently, 
and  discovered  that  nine  of  them  were  loaded  with 
hemp  and  iron,  both  of  which  commodities,  ac- 
cording to  the  English  code,  were  contraband  of 
war  and  as  such  should  be  confiscated.  These  nine 
ships  were  brought  to  Portsmouth,  the  others  were 
dismissed,  and  the  Dutch  fleet,  as  belonging  to  a 
nation  which  was  in  peace  and  friendship  with  His 
British  Majesty,  was  given  permission  to  return  to 
the  fatherland.    This,  however,  van  Bylandt  re- 


244    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

fused  to  do.  He  stayed  with  the  unfortunate  nine 
and  accompanied  them  to  Portsmouth,  from  which 
place  he  sent  a  full  report  of  what  had  happened  to 
the  authorities  in  the  Hague. 

As  usual,  the  news  of  the  affair  reached  the  stock 
exchange  long  before  it  reached  anybody  else.  The 
unfortunate  merchant  who  first  started  the  ques- 
tion, "Have  you  heard  that  these  British,  etc., 
etc."  (stock  exchange  information  always  has  had 
its  own  special  flavor)  was  hooted  down  as  a  schem- 
ing speculator  who  was  trying  to  influence  the 
market.  The  way  in  which  the  people  took  the  news 
shows  us  very  clearly  the  curious  state  of  mind 
existing  in  the  Republic  at  this  time.  Even  the 
most  patriotic  Hollander,  now,  after  the  lapse  of  a 
century,  must  confess  that  the  Republic  had  for 
years  done  every  conceivable  thing  to  anger  her 
mighty  neighbor  across  the  North  Sea.  No  amount 
of  violence  on  the  part  of  the  British  government 
can  excuse  the  attitude  of  our  forefathers  who 
persistently  did  things  which  they  knew  must  pro- 
voke their  British  allies.  They  snubbed  the  British 
government  on  every  possible  occasion.  They  sel- 
dom if  ever  answered  communications  asking  for 
explanations.  They  quite  openly  supported  Great 
Britain's  enemies  in  all  parts  of  the  globe.  They 
loudly  clamored  for  a  discontinuation  of  the  old 
amicable  treaties  and  demanded  the  immediate 
conclusion  of  an  alliance  with  France,  England's 
bitterest  foe.  More  than  that,  the  principal  city  of 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         245 

the  country  had  opened  secret  negotiations  with 
the  rebellious  American  colonists  and  was  only 
waiting  for  the  first  opportunity  to  reap  the  re- 
wards of  its  intrigue.  Then,  when  England,  exasper- 
ated at  these  continual  annoyances  and  this  pro- 
longed breach  of  good  faith,  at  last  determined  to 
take  matters  into  her  own  hands,  the  outcry  in  the 
RepubHc  was  loud  indeed. 

When  in  the  due  course  of  events,  the  mail  —  via 
Ostend  —  brought  the  authentic  news  of  the  battle 
off  the  Isle  of  Wight,  Divine  Providence  was  kept 
working  overtime,  listening  to  all  the  prayers  of 
patriotic  citizens  who  implored  a  speedy  and  just 
revenge  upon  the  heads  of  such  unbelievable 
scoundrels  as  the  subjects  of  His  Majesty  King 
George  III. 

The  pamphleteer  worked  with  a  zeal  only  sur- 
passed by  the  yellow  reporter  of  the  Spanish- 
American  war.^^  The  spirits  of  de  Ruyter  and 
Tromp  were  called  forth  from  the  grave  to  avenge 
the  insult  which  the  Dutch  flag  had  just  suffered. 
Others,  with  a  truer  conception  of  the  actual  state 
of  affairs,  bade  the  Goddess  of  the  Republic  speed 
to  the  grave  of  her  great  sailors  and  there  shed  tears 
over  her  present  sad  condition.  Cato  Batavus  and 
other  pseudo-classical  poets  (and  oh,  how  bad  the 
poetry  of  these  Batavians  was!)  called  upon  a 
righteous  Jehovah  to  smite  the  perpetrators  of  such 
atrocious  perfidy.  All  of  which  (at  sixpence  a  copy) 
was  of  great  benefit  to  many  a  needy  scribbler,  but 


U6    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

did  not  return  the  nine  ships  now  lying  in  Ports- 
mouth harbor. 

The  next  thing  on  the  somewhat  hysterical  pub- 
lic programme  was  to  put  the  blame  on  some  per- 
son. Admiral  van  Bylandt  was  the  first  candidate 
for  the  position  of  scapegoat.  He  was  called  back 
to  Holland  and  placed  before  a  court  martial.  This, 
however,  could  only  exonerate  him,  as  he  could 
prove  that  he  had  only  acted  according  to  the 
sealed  orders  which  he  had  received  before  he  had 
left  Texel.  Who  had  given  him  those  positive 
orders?  Amsterdam  directed  the  honorable  pub- 
lic to  the  man  who,  as  the  hereditary  and  constitu- 
tional head  of  the  navy,  would  probably  know  more 
about  these  orders  than  anybody  else. 

The  Stadholder,  however,  let  the  storm  pass 
without  deigning  to  answer.  Thereupon  the  hon- 
orable public  condemned  him  "in  absentia ,'*  and 
adopted  the  firm  belief  that  but  for  those  secret 
orders,  which  bade  the  Dutch  admiral  avoid  war  at 
any  cost,  the  five  old  junks  under  his  command 
might  have  blown  the  strong  British  squadron  from 
the  face  of  the  ocean. 

And  who  did  finally  come  out  of  the  whole  affair 
with  flying  colors  and  with  a  halo  of  incorruptible 
patriotism?  No  one  else  than  the  good  town  of 
Amsterdam.  If  only  its  advice  had  been  followed; 
if  only  the  obnoxious  alliance  with  England  had 
been  broken  long  ago  and  had  been  replaced  by  a 
treaty  with  the  great  French  nation  (the  citizens  of 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         247 

which  were  just  then  starting  upon  that  prolonged 
course  of  extreme  dieting  which  ultimately  led  to 
the  glorious  Revolution) ;  if  only  the  Republic  had 
listened  to  the  sound  counsel  of  the  true  patriots 
and  had  refused  to  obey  a  man  who  through  tradi- 
tion and  inclination  was  closely  allied  to  the  Re- 
public's worst  enemies,  then,  and  so  on,  and  so  on. 
With  all  the  energy  of  which  the  town  was  capable 
(and  until  the  very  end  of  the  Republic,  that  was  a 
good  deal),  Amsterdam  now  agitated  in  favor  of  a 
repeal  of  the  decision  of  November  19, 1778,  which 
granted  England's  wishes  in  the  matter  of  contra- 
band, and  once  more  the  Estates  General  had  to 
face  this  momentous  question. 

Less  than  ever  did  England  show  a  desire  to 
compromise.  On  the  28th  of  March,  Sir  Joseph 
addressed  a  new  note  of  warning  to  the  Estates. 
"The  Government  of  His  British  Majesty  desired 
most  emphatically  to  know  whether  the  Republic 
still  considered  herself  to  be  England's  ally  or  de- 
sired to  be  treated  as  any  other  neutral  power.  In 
case  she  preferred  to  renounce  the  alliance.  His 
British  Majesty  would  be  forced  to  rescind  all  such 
privileges  as  the  Republic  had  hitherto  enjoyed." 
The  Estates  General  filed  this  communication  in 
their  archives,  and  made  no  answer  to  it.  Where- 
upon, on  the  17th  of  April,  His  British  Majesty, 
having  lost  all  patience,  declared  that  he  no  longer 
considered  himself  bound  by  any  of  the  ancient 
treaties  and  alliances  between  his  country  and  the 


248    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Seven  United  Netherlands,  and  henceforth  he 
allowed  all  his  loyal  men-of-war  (and  his  not  less 
loyal  and  enthusiastic  privateers)  to  stop  and 
search  such  Dutch  ships  as  they  might  encounter 
upon  the  high  seas  and  to  confiscate  all  such  goods 
as  were  either  contraband  of  war  or  were  consigned 
to  French  customers. 

The  British  fleet  was  now  in  complete  command 
of  the  Channel.  With  the  ports  of  France  wide 
open  to  Dutch  goods,  it  was  yet  impossible  to  trans- 
port them  hither  except  by  taking  the  long  and 
dangerous  route  around  the  north  of  Scotland. 
Nor  did  many  weeks  elapse  before  the  direct  re- 
sults of  antagonizing  England  began  to  make  them- 
selves felt.  After  this  long  period  of  provocation 
England  no  longer  bothered  about  the  fine  points 
of  international  law.  Dutch  ships,  no  matter  what 
their  cargo,  were  without  any  formal  process  de- 
clared good  prizes  and  were  brought  to  EngUsh 
ports.  A  fleet  with  which  to  protect  the  Dutch 
traders  did  not  exist.  The  decree  of  the  Estates 
General  of  the  2d  of  May,  1779,  ordering  the  im- 
mediate construction  of  a  fleet  of  fifty-two  vessels, 
looked  extremely  well  on  paper,  but  neither  the 
money  nor  the  wood  nor  the  men  necessary  for 
building  and  equipping  it  had  as  yet  been  found. 

The  English  now  extended  their  operations  to  the 
coast  of  Holland .  English  privateers  closely  guarded 
the  mouth  of  the  Dutch  rivers.  A  French  privateer, 
having  sought  shelter  in  the  port  of  Hellevoetsluis, 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         249 

tried  to  reach  the  North  Sea.  But  before  he  was  out 
in  the  open,  he  was  attacked  by  two  English  ves- 
sels. Unable  to  regain  the  safe  harbor,  the  French- 
man beached  his  ship.  The  English  ships  waited 
patiently  until  high  tide  lifted  the  ship  off,  then 
boarded  it  and  took  it  home  as  a  prize.  While  this 
action  took  place  there  was  great  commotion  on  the 
shore.  Two  hundred  years  before,  the  Hollanders 
might,  for  lack  of  boats,  have  waded  out  to  the 
British  ships  and  taken  them  by  assault,  as  they 
not  infrequently  had  taken  Spanish  ships.  In  the 
year  1779,  however,  they  looked  on  in  profound 
indignation,  referred  the  matter  to  the  vengeance 
of  Righteous  Providence,  and  went  home  to  discuss 
the  affair  for  the  next  six  months.  The  Estates 
General  were  foolish  enough  to  protest  in  London 
against  this  "Insult  to  the  Republic's  sovereignty." 
It  is  easy  to  guess  how  respectfully  such  a  protest 
was  received. 

Now,  instead  of  drawing  a  helpful  lesson  out 
of  all  these  many  unfortunate  events,  the  leading 
powers  in  the  Province  of  Holland,  and  as  such  the 
leading  powers  in  the  whole  Republic,  preferred  to 
try  everything  but  the  one  rational  course  which 
was  at  their  disposal.  The  general  feeling  against 
England,  however,  was  such  that  it  would  have  been 
diflBcult,  if  not  impossible,  to  convince  the  majority 
of  the  people  of  the  desirability  of  establishing  at 
least  a  modus  vivendi  with  her  overbearing  neighbor 
imtil  the  day  when  the  Republic  should  once  more 


250    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

have  become  strong  enough  to  maintain  her  rights 
by  force. 

It  was  just  at  this  critical  moment  that  Catherine 
of  Russia,  having  successfully  murdered  her  hus- 
band and  having  generally  established  order  in  the 
country  of  her  adoption,  started  out  upon  a  career 
among  the  civilized  nations  of  Europe  and  in- 
vented what  has  become  known  in  history  as  the 
"Armed  Neutrality/'^s 

England's  curious  conception  of  international 
law  and  her  persistent  adherence  to  the  doctrine 
that  might  goes  before  right  in  the  matter  of 
searching  ships,  had  done  damage,  not  only  to  the 
Republic,  which  was  herself  guilty  of  a  continual 
breach  of  good  faith,  but  also  to  less  offensive 
neutrals,  who  were  only  trying  to  make  an  honest 
penny  out  of  the  existing  pohtical  complications. 
The  "Armed  Neutrality"  was  a  forceful  proclama- 
tion of  the  principle  that  "Neutral  ships  make 
neutral  goods.*'  A  few  commodities,  which  by  their 
very  nature  were  contraband  of  war,  were  excepted, 
but  otherwise  the  contracting  parties  maintained 
that  reasonably  inoffensive  articles  could  not  be 
confiscated  because  a  board  of  periwigged  lordships 
in  the  town  of  London  held  that  they  could  be, 
and  because  these  particular  gentlemen  had  the 
might  to  enforce  whatever  laws  they  thought  fit  to 
proclaim. 

iThis  Armed  Neutrality,  which  began  as  a  defens- 
ive union  of  the  northern  powers  and  the  member- 


DRESS  PARADE  OF  THE  AMSTERDAM  VOLUN1 

After  an  engravini 


iPS   CALLED    "TOT  NUT   DEB    SCHUTTERY" 
'an  der  Meer 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR  251 

ship  of  which  was  open  to  all  interested  parties, 
came  as  a  very  unwelcome  surprise  to  England, 
which  had  secretly  hoped  to  gain  Her  Russian 
Majesty's  support  for  very  different  plans.  The 
Russian  fleet  amounted  to  Uttle  and  was  already 
possessed  of  that  most  unfortunate  habit  of  blowing 
itself  up  by  the  medium  of  gunpowder  and  brandy. 
On  land,  however,  Russia  was  a  power  which  had  to 
be  reckoned  with,  and  for  almost  a  generation  — 
since  1763,  as  a  matter  of  fact  —  England  had  not 
had  a  single  friend  or  ally  on  the  Continent. 

To  the  Republic,  the  Armed  Neutrality  appeared 
as  a  most  welcome  innovation,  as  a  favor  of  Heaven. 
If  only  she  could  join  she  would  be  as  fortunate  as  a 
man  who  is  allowed  to  insure  his  house  while  it  is 
already  on  fire.  The  five  articles  which  the  high 
contracting  parties  had  laid  down  as  sound  princi- 
ples of  international  law  would  have  been  of  the 
greatest  benefit  to  the  Dutch  merchants.  France 
advised  the  Republic  to  join  the  coalition  at  once. 
But,  even  in  that  hour  of  peril,  the  authorities  in 
the  Hague  could  not  bring  themselves  to  act  with 
dispatch,  and  as  they  did  not  maintain  a  regular 
diplomatic  representative  in  St.  Petersburg,  and 
had  no  authentic  information  as  to  the  intentions  of 
the  very  fickle  Empress,  they  first  sent  two  ambas- 
sadors extraordinary  to  the  Russian  capital  to  talk 
things  over.  This  was  a  fatal  mistake.  Several 
months  went  by  with  unprofitable  negotiations  and 
the  Empress  became  less  and  less  willing  to  admit 


252    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

this  bankrupt  firm,  which  hoped  to  reestabHsh  its 
credit  by  joining  a  more  vigorous  concern.  As  for 
the  British  government,  it  made  no  secret  of  its 
sentiments.  In  no  vague  terms  the  Dutch  minister 
in  London  was  informed  that  should  the  Republic 
join  the  Armed  Neutrality,  such  an  act  might  have 
far-reaching  and  serious  consequences.  It  was  the 
same  old  story.  France  said,  **Do";  England  said, 
"Don't";  and  both  threatened  vengeance  in  case 
of  disobedience. 

In  the  midst  of  the  debate  as  to  what  course  to 
pursue,  a  most  unfortunate  occurrence  took  away 
the  Republic's  last  chance  to  strengthen  her  desper- 
ate position.  As  the  industrious  reader  may  remem- 
ber, in  the  fall  of  the  year  1778,  Jean  de  Neufville, 
as  the  unofficial  ambassador  of  the  sovereign  city  of 
Amsterdam,  had  met  Mr.  Lee,  the  official  repre- 
sentative of  the  American  Congress,  and  together 
these  two  gentlemen  had  drawn  up  a  rough  draft 
of  a  treaty  of  peace  and  commerce  which  should  be 
brought  up  in  the  parliaments  of  their  respective 
countries  as  soon  as  peace  between  England  and  the 
colonies  should  have  been  declared. 

The  original  of  this  concept-treaty  had  been  for- 
warded to  America,  had  there  been  inspected  by  the 
powers  that  were,  and  was  now  on  its  return  voyage 
to  Europe.  It  was  among  the  effects  of  Henry 
Laurens,  Esq.,  former  President  of  the  American 
Congress  and  now  on  his  way  as  provisory  minister 
to  the  Hague  or  Amsterdam,  or  wherever  the  best 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         253 

interests  of  the  American  colonists  should  be  found 
to  lie.  The  chief  purpose  of  his  mission  was  to  raise 
money,  —  a  commodity  of  which  the  American 
rebels  were  in  dire  need. 

.  On  the  10th  of  September,  Laurens  set  sail  in  the 
packet  Mercurius.  After  two  days  on  the  New- 
foundland Banks  his  ship  met  an  Enghsh  man-of- 
war  under  command  of  Captain  Keppel,  and  was 
hailed  and  stopped.  The  English  captain  was  not 
aware  of  the  presence  of  Laurens  on  board  the  ship, 
but  in  the  course  of  routine  he  sent  an  officer  to  the 
Mercurius  to  examine  her  papers.  Laurens,  who 
well  knew  the  incriminating  nature  of  the  papers  he 
carried  with  him,  repaired  to  his  cabin  and  threw 
the  trunk  which  contained  his  documents  over- 
board. The  rest  of  the  story  is  familiar.  The  trunk 
did  not  sink,  but  swam  gayly  on  the  waters.  A 
British  sailor  discovered  it,  fished  it  out  of  the  deep, 
and  presented  it  to  his  captain.  The  captain  read 
the  documents,  and  congratulated  himself  on  his 
luck.  For,  he  thought,  and  for  a  long  period  after- 
wards everybody  else  thought,  that  these  docu- 
ments contained  the  key  to  all  the  affairs  of  the 
enemy  —  their  plan  of  campaign  as  well  as  their 
many  and  varied  diplomatic  negotiations.  Laurens 
was  locked  up  on  board  the  British  war-vessel, 
which  immediately  set  course  for  home,  and  on  the 
1st  of  October  landed  its  prisoner  and  his  unfor- 
tunate trunk  at  the  town  of  Dartmouth.  The 
American  was  sent  to  the  Tower  and  treated  as  a 


254    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

dangerous  enemy  of  state.  The  trunk  also  was 
taken  to  London  and  its  contents  were  carefully 
examined.  Much  to  the  regret  of  His  Majesty's 
ministers,  the  documents  did  not  disclose  the  di- 
verse wickedness  of  His  Majesty's  many  enemies. 
But  they  contained  a  number  of  letters  the  ex- 
posure of  which  was  to  ^be  most  painful  to  their 
authors.  ^^ 

Unfortunately  the  Republic  suffered  most 
through  Laurens's  clumsiness.  Not  less  than 
seven  documents  revealing  the  interest  which  the 
Republic  took  in  American  afiFairs  were  found 
among  his  papers.  Among  these  seven  was  the  ill- 
fated  original  of  the  commercial  treaty  drawn  up 
two  years  before  by  a  representative  of  Amsterdam 
and  the  American  Congress.  From  the  hand  of  de 
Neufville,  the  man  who  had  conducted  these  nego- 
tiations for  Amsterdam,  there  was  also  a  letter 
written  on  the  28th  of  July,  1779,  and  addressed  to 
the  President  of  the  American  Congress.  In  this 
letter  de  Neufville  once  more  assured  that  high  func- 
tionary of  Amsterdam's  continued  support,  and 
informed  him  of  the  zeal  with  which  Amsterdam 
represented  America's  interests  in  the  Estates 
General.  Document  number  three  was  a  letter 
written  by  a  certain  Stockton  (S.  W. ;  further  par- 
ticulars unknown),  of  Amsterdam,  to  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Witherspoon,  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence and  ex-President  of  Princeton  College. 
Mr.  Stockton  took  it  for  granted  that  Mr.  Wither- 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         ^55 

spoon  knew  all  about  the  secret  commercial  treaty 
and  paid  a  high  compliment  to  Mr.  de  Neufville, 
"who  has  such  a  clear  conception  of  the  best  inter- 
ests of  his  country  and  understands  that  its  best 
advantage  lies  in  an  alliance  with  France  and 
America  and  not  with  England."  Then  followed  a 
eulogy  of  the  democratic  —  the  so-called  Patriotic 
party.  The  unfortunate  Patriots,  according  to  Mr. 
Stockton,  had  a  very  hard  time  of  it  defending 
themselves  against  the  intrigues  of  the  Stadholder, 
who  was  the  most  intimate  friend  of  the  King  of 
England,  and  who,  according  to  current  reports, 
had  exactly  as  much  love  for  liberty  as  His  British 
Majesty.  The  Stadholder  is  accused  generally  of 
being  responsible  for  every  calamity  that  has  so 
far  befallen  the  Republic.  He  alone  is  responsible 
for  the  laxity  with  which  the  Republic  is  espousing 
the  cause  of  the  Americans. 

Document  number  four  was  of  a  more  practical 
nature.  It  was  a  Ust  of  rich  people  who  might  pos- 
sibly have  money  available  for  an  American  loan. 
This  list  had  been  prepared  by  a  certain  Dircks,  a 
soldier  of  fortune,  who  had  been  an  officer  in  the 
American  army  and  who  was  considered  a  sort  of 
specialist  on  American  affairs.  He  had  come  into 
the  good  graces  of  the  Baron  van  der  Capellen,  and 
corresponded  with  him  until  the  friendship  was 
broken  off  by  a  violent  quarrel. 

Letter  number  five  was  written  by  a  certain 
Gillon,  who  had  come  to  Europe  to  supervise  the 


256    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

construction  of  two  new  American  war-vessels 
which  were  to  be  built  in  a  French  port.  In  his 
report,  directed  to  John  Rutledge,  the  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  Gillon  writes  that  the  plan  for  their 
construction  had  failed,  but  that  he  had  spent  his 
credits  for  powder  and  other  necessities  of  war. 
These  were  purchased  from  Nicholas  and  Jan  van 
Staphorst,  two  honorable  Amsterdam  merchants, 
and  had  been  forwarded  to  America  via  St.  Eusta- 
tius,  the  ordinary  route  for  smuggled  goods.  Mr. 
Gillon,  too,  has  high  hopes  of  an  American  loan,  to 
be  placed  among  the  Amsterdam  merchants.  Of 
course,  so  he  points  out,  it  is  impossible  for  the 
Hollanders  to  take  the  side  of  America  openly,  but 
they  are  quite  wilHng  to  support  the  good  cause 
secretly  with  their  money.  Therefore,  he  thinks  it 
would  be  well  if  the  Congress  of  America  should  send 
a  special  minister  to  the  Republic,  and  not  conduct 
its  Dutch  affairs  as  it  has  done  hitherto  through 
their  diplomatic  representatives  who  reside  in 
Paris. 

Finally,  there  were  two  letters  from  van  der 
Capellen.  They  did  not  show  to  whom  they  had 
been  addressed.  The  first  one,  dated  ZwoUe, 
April  28, 1778,  contained  an  expression  of  the  pleas- 
ure the  writer  had  experienced  upon  hearing  of 
new  American  victories.  Then  followed  the  cus- 
tomary enumerations  of  his  own  humble  endeav- 
ors on  behalf  of  the  just  cause  of  the  American 
revolutionists;  how  he  had  translated  the  work  of 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         257 

the  Rev.  Dr.  Price;  how  he  alone  in  the  RepubKc 
was  fighting  for  the  rights  of  the  Americans;  and 
how  he  would  love  to  ojffer  his  life  for  the  righteous 
Cause  of  Liberty  were  it  not  that  a  tender  wife  and 
a  small  son  detained  him  at  home,  where  he  could 
fight  the  good  fight  only  in  a  humble  way  with  his 
pen  and  by  word  of  mouth.  Then  we  return  to  solid 
earth  and  find  a  sentence  which  must  have  inter- 
ested his  readers  infinitely  more  than  the  rhetorical 
outburst  that  had  gone  before.  For  at  the  end  of 
his  letter  van  der  Capellen  gives  his  correspondent 
some  advice  as  to  how  the  American  loan  could  be 
best  placed,  and  how  a  serious  attempt  should  be 
made  to  induce  people  to  sell  their  English  secur- 
ities and  to  replace  them  by  American  ones. 

The  second  letter  of  van  der  Capellen  was  dated 
later  (September),  after  the  Americans  had  suffered 
several  reverses.  In  this  one  he  expresses  his  fear 
that  it  will  now  be  more  difficult  to  get  money  from 
the  Hollanders  than  before,  and  he  advises  the 
Americans  to  provide  the  European  public  with 
more  reliable  news  than  they  are  getting  at  that 
moment  in  order  that  they  may  know  exactly  how 
things  stand  in  the  continent  across  the  ocean  and 
may  not  be  misguided  by  English  reports. 

After  all  that  had  gone  before,  these  seven  docu- 
ments, showing  the  actual  participation  and  the 
direct  encouragement  which  the  Hollanders  had 
given  to  the  American  rebels,  could  not  be  expected 
to  arouse_in  England  any  feelings  of  deep  approval. 


258    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

It  was  made  very  evident  to  His  Majesty's  minis- 
ters that,  while  the  Stadholder  professed  an  honest 
desire  to  maintain  good  relations  with  England,  the 
town  of  Amsterdam  was  forcing  upon  the  whole 
country  a  pohcy  which  was  absolutely  opposed  to 
that  which  Wilham  tried  to  follow,  and  was  con- 
ducting the  country's  pohtical  affairs  very  much  as 
if  she  were  lord  and  master  over  the  whole  com- 
monwealth. 

Therefore,  instead  of  immediately  declaring  war 
upon  the  Republic,  the  British  government  decided 
first  to  try  and  use  the  incriminating  evidence  to 
break  the  power  of  Amsterdam  in  the  Estates  Gen- 
eral and  to  strengthen  the  position  of  the  Stad- 
holder. Accordingly,  on  the  11th  of  October,  the 
documents  were  sent  to  the  British  minister  in  the 
Hague  to  be  used  by  him  as  he  thought  best. 

On  the  16th  of  October,  Sir  Joseph  presented 
them  to  the  Stadholder.  William  accepted  them, 
but,  ever  unable  to  make  a  quick  decision,  he  lost 
four  days  before  he  could  make  up  his  mind  what 
to  do.  This  delay  was  of  great  advantage  to  Am- 
sterdam, which,  being  immediately  informed  of 
what  had  happened,  could  now  prepare  her  defense 
in  all  leisure. 

With  great  energy  she  agitated  for  an  immediate 
decision  upon  the  question  of  joining  the  Armed 
Neutrality,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact,  on  the  19th  of 
October,  the  Estates  of  Holland,  with  a  large  ma- 
jority, voted  in  favor  of  accepting  the  conditions 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         259 

which  Russia  imposed  before  she  would  allow  the 
Republic  to  join  the  coalition.  After  this  decision 
of  Holland,  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  other 
provinces  to  oppose  the  plan,  even  if  they  felt  so 
inclined. 

A  day  later,  on  the  20th  of  October,  the  Stad- 
holder  appeared  in  the  secret  committee  on  foreign 
affairs  of  the  Estates  General  and  in  the  meeting  of 
the  Estates  of  Holland,  and  read  to  the  members 
the  papers  which  the  British  minister  had  given 
him.  At  the  same  time  he  solemnly  declared  that 
he  himself  had  never  been  aware  of  the  existence 
of  a  commercial  treaty  with  the  American  colonies 
or  known  about  the  negotiations  concerning  such 
a  treaty.  All  of  which  was  undoubtedly  true.  The 
Estates  of  Holland  seconded  his  sentiments.  They 
thanked  the  Stadholder  for  his  paternal  care  for  the 
interests  of  the  country,  and  solemnly  professed 
that  they,  too,  were  entirely  unaware  of  the  exist- 
ence of  such  a  treaty  as  had  been  just  read  to  them. 
Furthermore,  they  declared  that  they  had  never 
even  recognized  the  independence  of  the  United 
States,  and  that,  before  they  could  do  anything  else, 
they  should  have  to  hear  what  Amsterdam,  the  real 
offending  party,  had  to  say  for  herself.  After  which 
the  Stadholder,  having  performed  his  duty  to  the 
satisfaction  of  himself  and  all  those  concerned, 
repaired  home,  and  the  town  of  Amsterdam  was 
requested  to  account  for  her  conduct  within  five 
days. 


260    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

During  the  next  few  days  the  news  of  this  latest 
deed  of  Amsterdam  traveled  throughout  the  coun- 
try, and  it  was  received  with  very  httle  approval. 
To  hate  England  in  the  abstract,  to  twist  the  Brit- 
ish Lion's  tail  in  an  alehouse  discussion,  was  one 
thing.  To  suffer  pecuniary  loss  through  the  claws 
of  the  same  animal  was  quite  a  different  story.  So 
many  Dutch  ships  had  by  this  time  fallen  into 
British  hands  that  prudence  was  almost  gaining 
over  hysteria.  WTiat  would  become  of  them,  the 
people  asked,  if  the  English  should  really  declare 
war  upon  them  at  that  very  moment?  Would 
Amsterdam,  which  had  driven  the  country  directly 
into  the  conflict,  then  step  forward  and  defend  it 
against  the  British  fleet.? 

But  those  who  expected  that  the  proud  city 
would  now  make  humble  apologies,  and  express 
regret  at  the  reckless  way  in  which  she  had  imper- 
iled the  safety  of  all  the  provinces,  were  mistaken. 
When  the  day  for  an  explanation  came,  the  mayors 
of  the  town  were  quite  willing  to  take  the  blame  of 
the  provisional  American  treaty  upon  themselves. 
In  a  sort  of  offhand  way  and  in  a  tone  of  injured 
innocence  they  declared  that  they  had  only  acted 
for  the  general  good  and  in  order  that  the  Republic 
might  be  the  first  to  profit  from  the  American  trade, 
once  peace  between  England  and  the  colonies 
should  be  estabhshed.'*" 

This  explanation,  given  in  a  tone  of  "what  is  all 
this  excitement  about  anyway,"  was  not  acceptable 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         261 

to  the  British  government.  The  poor  Stadholder, 
instead  of  using  the  papers  to  destroy  the  power  of 
Amsterdam,  —  as  had  been  the  intention  of  the 
British  ministers,  —  had  muddled  up  affairs  in  such 
a  way  that  Amsterdam  got  out  of  the  affair  with  a 
certain  halo  of  patriotism  —  with  the  reputation  of 
having  acted  for  the  benefit  of  the  fatherland.  The 
British  government  now  no  longer  bothered  about 
the  Stadholder,  but  addressed  itself  directly  to  the 
Estates.  It  sent  what  was  practically  an  ultima- 
tum, asking  for  an  apology  from  the  government 
of  Amsterdam  and  demanding  severe  punishment 
for  the  Pensionaris  of  that  town,  who  had  sanc- 
tioned the  negotiation  of  this  secret  treaty. 

War  with  England  was  now  imminent.  We, 
therefore,  might  have  expected  some  dispatch,  not 
only  in  answering  the  last  note  of  the  British  min- 
ister, but  also  in  the  matter  of  joining  the  Armed 
Neutrality.  The  latter  question,  after  the  favorable 
decision  of  the  Estates  of  Holland,  had  again  been 
lost  in  the  labyrinth  of  committees  and  subcommit- 
tees of  the  country's  complicated  government. 

But  nothing  happened.  The  first  weeks  of  No- 
vember were  spent  in  further  deliberations.  A  ma- 
jority of  the  seven  provinces  gradually  expressed 
the  opinion  that  it  would  be,  perhaps,  wise  to  in- 
struct the  Dutch  representatives  in  St.  Petersburg 
to  sign  the  document  which  would  admit  the  Re- 
public to  the  benefits  of  the  Armed  Neutrality.  But 
in  order  that  all  things  might  be  done  in  decency 


262    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

and  without  haste,  and  probably  in  the  vague  hope 
that  something  might  turn  up  at  the  last  moment 
and  that  conditions  might  miraculously  improve, 
it  was  decided  not  to  inform  the  other  European 
nations  of  this  step  until  six  more  weeks  should 
have  elapsed. 

As  to  the  punishing  of  Amsterdam,  the  opinions 
were  greatly  divided.  The  mayors  of  Amsterdam, 
in  acting  upon  their  own  authority  and  without 
consulting  the  central  government,  had  after  all 
only  done  what  every  other  city  and  village  was  in 
the  habit  of  doing  constantly.  The  central  gov- 
ernment was  at  best  a  necessary  nuisance,  which 
worked  with  such  exceeding  clumsiness  that  it 
should  be  consulted  as  little  as  possible. 

After  three  weeks  of  discussion  on  this  matter, 
no  definite  decision  had  as  yet  been  reached.  The 
Estates  of  Holland  and  the  Estates  General  then 
declared  themselves  ready  oJBScially  to  disapprove 
Amsterdam's  action  and  to  inform  the  British  gov- 
ernment of  this  decision. 

Sir  Joseph,  however,  made  it  clear  that  no  such 
halfway  measure  would  be  acceptable  to  his  coun- 
try. In  rapid  succession  he  sent  the  Estates  a  num- 
ber of  notes  which  left  no  doubt  as  to  their  meaning. 
Without  exception,  these  notes  were  left  unan- 
swered. Another  month  had  gone  by,  and  it  was 
now  near  the  middle  of  December.  As  it  was  be- 
coming more  evident  each  day  that  nothing  was 
"going  to  turn  up,"  the  Estates  General  decided 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         263 

that  there  was  no  longer  any  profit  to  be  derived 
from  their  air  of  mystery  in  regard  to  the  Armed 
Neutrahty.  Accordingly,  on  the  10th  of  December, 
the  different  European  powers  were  informed  that 
the  Republic  had  joined  the  neutrality  coalition, 
and  would  they  kindly  take  notice  of  this  fact. 

This  information,  however,  reached  London  too 
late  to  be  of  any  benefit.  It  was  winter,  and  a 
severe  storm  raged  on  the  North  Sea.  The  mail 
was  delayed  for  many  days,  and  when  at  last  the  let- 
ter of  the  Dutch  government  reached  London,  the 
British  government  had  already  decided  to  declare 
war  upon  the  Republic.  It  came  to  this  decision 
solely  upon  the  ground  that  the  Dutch  government 
refused  to  give  redress  for  the  behavior  of  Amster- 
dam. The  inexcusable  delay  in  informing  the  other 
powers  of  her  decision  to  join  the  Armed  Neutrality 
made  it  possible  for  England  to  declare  war  with- 
out once  referring  to  this  matter.  In  this  way,  the 
government  of  His  Majesty  escaped  the  risk  of 
making  an  enemy  of  Catherine  of  Russia  by  declar- 
ing war  upon  one  of  her  allies.  England  could  now 
say:  "We  declared  war  upon  the  Republic  before 
we  had  been  informed  of  the  fact  that  she  was  one 
of  the  members  of  Your  Majesty's  coalition."  At 
the  same  time,  it  would  offer  Catherine  a  chance  to 
refuse  the  Republic  admission,  as  being  *'no  longer 
a  neutral,  but  the  participant  in  a  war." 

In  this  diplomatic  game  as  well  as  in  the  actual 
war  that  followed,  England  was  in  every  instance 


264     FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

the  superior  of  the  Republic.  In  England  there  was 
an  actual  government  —  a  guiding  hand  that  knew 
what  it  wanted.  In  the  Republic  there  was  anarchy 
and  a  score  of  little  potentates  who  worked  out  their 
own  little  intrigues  and  thought  only  of  their  own 
immediate  interests. 

The  same  storm  which  had  delayed  the  Dutch 
mail  detained  the  ship  that  was  bringing  Sir  Joseph 
orders  to  leave  the  Hague  at  once.  On  the  23d  of 
December,  he  left  for  Ostend,  regretted  by  no  one. 
The  Dutch  minister  in  London  stayed  at  his  post  a 
week  longer.  On  the  29th  of  December,  he  tried 
once  more  to  have  an  interview  with  the  British 
Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  who,  however,  re- 
gretted that  he  was  not  able  to  receive  him.  As  a 
farewell  greeting,  he  presented  the  Dutchman  with 
an  exposition  of  his  views. 

"For  many  years,"  so  he  wrote,  "the  Republic, 
which  was  closely  connected  with  England  by  many 
treaties  and  alliances,  has  secretly  aided  England's 
enemies,  has  persistently  refused  to  perform  such 
acts  as  it  was  bound  to  perform  by  reason  of  the 
aforesaid  treaties,  and  has  steadily  refused  to  com- 
ply with  any  of  England's  wishes.  Finally  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Republic  has  allowed  a  single  one  of 
her  cities  to  assume  the  sovereignty  over  the  whole 
country,  and  the  Estates  General  have  been  either 
unable  or  unwilling  to  force  this  one  city  to  obey 
the  stipulations  of  the  treaties  existing  between  the 
two  countries." 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         ^65 

The  Dutch  minister  left  London,  and  by  the  first 
of  the  year  1781,  the  whole  country  knew  that  once 
more,  and  for  the  fourth  time  in  its  history,  a  war 
with  England  had  broken  out.  Now,  what  sort  of 
an  impression  did  this  news  have?  Incredible 
though  it  may  seem,  it  was  at  first  received  with 
very  general  satisfaction.  No  doubt  the  merchants 
knew  that  during  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  Re- 
public could  not  expect  to  be  successful.  But  after 
the  first  losses  caused  by  the  unpreparedness  of 
the  Dutch  fleet  and  army,  they  hoped  that  with  the 
help  of  France  and  with  the  cooperation  of  the 
American  colonists,  who  showed  no  signs  of  weak- 
ening in  their  struggle  for  freedom,  England  could 
be  brought  to  terms.*^ 

The  democrats  welcomed  the  war  as  a  chance  of 
getting  even  with  England.  At  last  the  time  of 
wavering  was  over.  No  longer  was  it  necessary  to 
submit  patiently  to  insult  and  injury,  but  open 
warfare  was  to  decide  the  merits  of  the  prolonged 
quarrel.  They  even  fancied  they  saw  the  Republic 
play  a  r61e  as  the  defender  of  human  rights,  meting 
out  punishment  to  the  perfidious  Briton  who  so 
long  had  escaped  the  wrath  of  a  just  Jehovah. 

But,  most  of  all,  there  was  rejoicing  among  the 
Regents.  Their  anti-British  policy  of  the  last  years 
had  been  in  reality  a  movement  against  the  Stad- 
holder.  The  welfare  of  the  country  meant  little  to 
them  compared  to  the  interest  of  their  own  class. 
They  foresaw   (what  actually  did  happen)   that 


266    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

when  once  war  should  have  broken  out,  the  Prince 
would  be  utterly  incapable  of  conducting  it  with 
any  vigor  and  would  lose  himself  so  entirely  in  un- 
important details  that  no  enterprise  of  any  import- 
ance would  ever  be  undertaken.  The  worse  the 
Stadholder  should  mismanage  the  affairs  of  the 
navy  (and  he  alone  as  commander-in-chief  was  re- 
sponsible), the  better  it  would  be  for  the  prestige  of 
the  Regents. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  Republic 
the  majority  of  the  people  were  no  longer  entirely 
on  the  side  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  The  utter  in- 
capacity of  the  Princes  of  the  House  of  Nassau- 
Diez,  —  the  line  to  which  the  Frisian  stadholders 
belonged,  —  their  lack  of  political  sagacity,  their 
awkwardness  in  dealing  with  the  people,  their  fool- 
ish pride,  which  did  not  allow  them  to  make  friends 
even  among  their  most  faithful  adherents,  in  one 
word,  their  absolute  separateness  from  their  people 
in  their  daily  joys  and  sorrows;  — all  of  these  qual- 
ities had  begun  to  do  their  work.  The  century-old 
affection  of  the  common  people  for  any  member  of 
that  famous  family,  to  which  more  than  anybody 
or  anything  else  they  owed  their  independence  and 
their  prosperity,  had  at  last  begun  to  show  signs  of 
weakening.  What  good  did  it  do  these  princes  that 
they  led  a  proper  life,  went  to  church  on  Sundays, 
surroimded  themselves  with  a  crowd  of  equally 
excellent,  dull,  and  bigoted  courtiers;  taught  their 
children   the  Heidelberg   Catechism  and  led  in 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         267 

prayer-meetings  at  home,  when  they  persisted  in 
keeping  a  continual  abyss  between  themselves  and 
their  subjects? 

The  popular  feeling  that,  so  long  as  a  Prince  of 
the  House  of  Orange  was  at  the  head  of  affairs, 
everything  was  all  right,  died  hard.  The  people 
would  have  greatly  preferred  obeying  William  to 
taking  orders  from  the  unpopular  Regents.  They 
did  not  desert  the  Stadholder.  It  was  the  Stad- 
holder  who  deliberately  deserted  them. 

An  inventive  journalist  of  that  day  wrote  that 
England  had  begun  her  war  upon  the  Repubhc  be- 
cause she  needed  ready  money.  The  country,  so  he 
reasoned,  had,  during  the  many  years  of  warfare  in 
all  parts  of  the  world,  contracted  an  enormous  debt. 
Taxes  were  high,  and  could  not  be  increased  with- 
out inconveniencing  the  public.  It  was  difficult  to 
see  who  would  grant  England  a  new  loan.  An  easy 
way  out  of  the  difficulty  was  provided  by  a  war  with 
the  rich  Republic.  This  fantastic  story,  if  it  did  not 
give  the  true  cause  of  the  war,  certainly  painted  its 
immediate  effect. 

England  grew  rich  at  the  expense  of  Holland.  In 
the  first  place,  while  the  war  lasted  England  did  not 
need  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  Dutch  money  in- 
vested in  its  national  debt  or  its  private  enterprises. 
In  this  way  the  Dutch  shareholders  lost  several  mil- 
lion pounds  which  now  remained  in  the  treasury  of 
the  British  government  or  in  the  pocket  of  the  Eng- 
lish manufacturer. 


268     FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

In  the  second  place,  England  so  completely  com- 
manded the  North  Sea  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean  that 
it  could,  by  declaring  war  at  an  unexpected  moment, 
count  upon  capturing  the  larger  part  of  the  Dutch 
merchantmen,  who  would  only  hear  of  the  existence 
of  war  after  they  were  in  the  possession  of  some 
British  privateer.  When  the  war  broke  out,  Am- 
sterdam, according  to  the  insurance  written  out, 
had  some  fifteen  milhon  guilders  invested  in  ships 
and  merchandise  that  were  still  on  the  high  seas. 
The  other  Dutch  cities  together  were  interested  up 
to  approximately  fifty  million  guilders.  This  shows 
us  what  large  sums  were  at  issue. 

In  the  third  place,  England  could  now  positively 
prevent  the  smuggling  trade  in  America  and  deprive 
the  American  colonists  of  their  chief  source  of  sup- 
ply of  all  their  necessaries  of  war. 

Finally,  the  British  fleet,  which  was  complete 
master  of  the  Caribbean  Sea,  could  take  such  Dutch 
colonies  as  it  wished,  and  in  case  of  peace  could  use 
them  to  enforce  certain  concessions. 

The  Dutch  minister  in  London  had  been  very 
slow  in  informing  his  home  government  about  the 
course  of  events.  In  a  time  when  days  and  hours 
counted,  he  took  weeks  about  his  official  notices. 
It  had  therefore  been  impossible  to  warn  the  Dutch 
vessels  that  were  still  on  the  North  Sea,  and  within 
six  days  after  war  had  been  declared  sixty  Dutch 
ships  had  fallen  into  British  hands.  By  the  1st 
of  February  the  number  of  ships  that  were  lost 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         269 

exceeded  more  than  two  hundred,  and  they  repre- 
sented a  value  of  almost  twenty-five  million 
guilders. 

It  was  of  little  benefit  to  the  Republic  that  she 
could  raise  a  loan  of  fourteen  million  guilders  at  a 
rate  of  interest  of  only  two  and  a  half  per  cent,  and 
that  the  admiralties  were  authorized  to  increase  the 
premium  for  service  with  the  fleet  to  fifty  guilders. 
The  loan  was  immediately  taken  up  because  the 
two  and  a  half  per  cent  was  guaranteed,  but  even 
with  the  higher  premium  no  sailors  came  to  man 
the  ships.  Such  Dutch  merchantmen  as  had  sought 
refuge  in  foreign  harbors  were  left  to  their  own 
fate.  They  either  sold  their  cargo  as  best  they  could 
and  laid  up  to  wait  for  the  end  of  the  war,  or 
they  were  sold  to  a  foreign  firm,  and  henceforward 
sailed  under  a  foreign  flag. 

The  old  love  for  privateering,  once  so  strongly 
developed  in  the  people  along  the  coast,  seemed  to 
have  died  out.  Few  or  no  letters  of  marque  were 
issued.  In  England,  on  the  other  hand,  every  town 
and  village  along  the  coast  participated  in  the  lu- 
crative business  of  capturing  Dutch  ships.  Within 
a  few  months  more  than  five  hundred  British  ships 
patrolled  the  North  Sea,  and  they  inspired  such  fear 
that  no  Dutch  ship  ventured  to  leave  the  Maas  or 
the  roads  of  Texel. 

The  Baltic  trade  was  completely  at  a  standstill. 
Where  formerly  thousands  of  Dutch  ships  had 
passed  through  the  Sont,  only  eleven  were  reported 


270    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

during  the  first  year  of  the  war.  The  blockade  was 
so  perfect  that  even  the  East  and  West  India  Com- 
panies could  not  get  a  single  ship  through.  Some 
of  their  vessels  had  been  taken;  others  received 
a  timely  warning,  continued  their  way  home  along 
the  north  coast  of  Ireland  and  Scotland,  and  spent 
years  in  the  Norwegian  harbors  where  they  had 
taken  refuge.  For  the  first  time  in  more  than  a 
century  and  a  half  the  East  India  Company  could 
not  hold  its  regular  auctions  of  Indian  products. 
Finally  no  more  ships  were  sent  from  India,  and 
the  company's  products  lay  rotting  in  her  store- 
houses. 

The  East  India  Company  could  at  least  count 
itself  happy  that  she  lost  none  of  her  Asiatic  pos- 
sessions, for  England  was  so  busily  engaged  in  its 
war  for  the  supremacy  in  America  that  it  had  no 
ships  available  for  conquests  in  India,  where  the 
uprising  of  Hyder  Ali  engaged  all  her  military 
forces. 

The  West  India  Company,  however,  fared  very 
badly.  The  larger  part  of  the  British  fleet  was  as- 
sembled in  the  North  and  Central  American  waters. 
Immediately  upon  the  declaration  of  war  the  Brit- 
ish government  had  sent  word  to  Sir  George  Rod- 
ney, who  commanded  in  the  Caribbean  Sea,  to  pro- 
ceed against  the  Dutch  colonies.  This  order  reached 
him  in  Barbados  on  the  27th  of  January,  1781. 
Three  days  later,  Rodney  with  a  fleet  of  eighteen 
vessels  appeared  before  Port  Royale  on  Martinique. 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR  271 

Here  he  left  six  vessels  under  Admiral  Drake  to 
watch  the  French  squadron  which  lay  in  the  harbor, 
well  defended  by  the  guns  of  a  number  of  strong 
fortifications.  With  the  rest  of  his  fleet  he  con- 
tinued his  way. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  3d  of  February,  the 
advance  guard  of  the  British  fleet  under  Sir  Samuel 
Hood  arrived  before  the  harbor  of  St.  Eustatius.^^ 
Here  the  population  knew  of  no  war,  and  made 
ready  to  receive  the  unwelcome  English  guests 
with  such  courtesies  as  the  occasion  demanded. 
Hood,  however,  did  not  come  on  shore,  but  waited 
until  the  afternoon,  when  the  rest  of  Rodney's  fleet 
came  up  and  surrounded  the  small  island.  In  the 
harbor  of  St.  Eustatius  there  was  one  Dutch  man- 
of-war,  of  thirty-six  guns,  commanded  by  Count 
Frederic  van  Bylandt,  an  officer  of  experience  who 
had  served  under  his  namesake,  Louis  van  Bylandt, 
at  the  encounter  near  the  Isle  of  Wight.  During 
the  afternoon  of  the  3d,  van  Bylandt  sent  an  officer 
to  the  English  admiral  to  welcome  him  officially 
and  offer  his  kind  services.  The  English  admiral 
then  informed  the  Hollander  that  war  had  broken 
out  between  their  respective  countries  and  that 
the  Island  of  St.  Eustatius  must  be  at  once  sur- 
rendered. The  harbor  was  defended  by  an  old  fort- 
ress, called  Fort  Oranje.  It  did  not  have  a  single 
gun  which  could  be  fired,  and  was  manned  by  a  few 
old  veterans,  who  were  kept  on  the  island  as  pen- 
sioners.   Van  Bylandt  with  his  single  ship  made 


272    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

an  attempt  at  defense.  He  was  immediately  sur- 
rounded by  half  a  dozen  British  ships,  and  before 
their  superior  number  he  was  forced  to  surrender. 

Without  further  trouble  the  English  then  took 
the  island  and  all  its  belongings.  It  seems  incred- 
ible that  the  West  India  Company  should  have  so 
neglected  the  defense  of  this  colony,  which  for  many 
years  had  been  a  veritable  gold  mine  to  her.  When 
Rodney  took  possession  of  St.  Eustatius  he  found 
one  hundred  and  fifty  ships  in  its  harbor.  A  great 
many  of  these  were  American  vessels.  The  two 
thousand  American  sailors  who  manned  them  were 
taken  prisoners.  The  storehouses  which  lined  the 
harbor  contained  goods  which  were  valued  at  not 
less  than  forty  million  guilders.  They  now  passed 
into  the  possession  of  the  English.  Rodney  kept  the 
Dutch  flag  flying  over  the  old  fort.  In  this  way 
during  the  next  few  weeks  a  number  of  ships,  which 
were  still  unaware  of  what  had  happened,  visited 
the  harbor,  without  suspecting  anything,  and  were 
promptly  captured. 

But  that  was  not  all.  The  British  admiral  upon 
landing  learned  that  just  twenty-four  hours  before 
his  arrival,  twenty-three  Dutch  ships,  under  the 
protection  of  a  single  war-vessel,  had  left  St.  Eus- 
tatius bound  for  home.  He  at  once  sent  two  of  his 
largest  ships  in  pursuit  of  them. 

The  Dutch  vessels  were  sailing  along  in  a  lei- 
surely way.  They  were  easily  overtaken  by  the 
English  ships.   The  Dutch  captain  tried  to  defend 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         273 

himself.  Unfortunately  his  ship  had  been  con- 
structed after  a  wrong  plan,  which  made  it  impos- 
sible to  use  the  lower  batteries  without  at  the  same 
time  swamping  the  ship.  The  Dutch  commander  was 
killed  in  the  beginning  of  the  battle,  and  before  he 
had  time  to  take  off  his  dressing-gown  and  slippers. 
After  forty  minutes  of  fighting  a  number  of  men 
were  dead  or  wounded,  and  the  ship  was  sinking. 
The  flag  was  hauled  down.  Of  the  twenty-three 
merchantmen,  only  one  escaped.  The  others  were 
brought  back  to  St.  Eustatius.^^ 

Such  was  the  beginning  of  the  war,  and  the  end 
was  no  better.  The  Armed  Neutrality,  of  which 
such  great  expectations  had  been  cherished,  proved 
to  be  utterly  useless.  Denmark  and  Sweden  were 
inclined  to  help  the  Republic  if  Russia  would  pro- 
mise to  do  the  same.  But  Catherine  had  not  the 
slightest  desire  to  start  a  war  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Estates  who  had  only  joined  her  coalition  as  a  last 
refuge.  She  was  willing  to  mediate  between  Eng- 
land and  the  Republic,  but  since  the  war  had  been 
begun  before  the  Republic  had  actually  joined  the 
Armed  Neutrality,  she  could  not  offer  to  do  any- 
thing else.  Thereupon  Denmark  and  Sweden  also 
expressed  their  unwillingness  to  interfere,  and  the 
Republic  was  left  entirely  to  her  own  fate.  France, 
which  had  forced  her  into  this  war,  was  much  too 
occupied  trying  to  save  her  own  skin  to  pay  any 
attention  to  the  sufferings  of  the  Republic. 

More  than  a  month  after  all  these  things  had 


274    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

happened  (on  the  5th  of  March,  to  be  exact),  the 
first  Dutch  ship,  commanded  by  Captain  de  Roock, 
appeared  in  the  West  Indies  to  inform  the  Dutch 
colonists  that  a  war  between  the  mother  country 
and  England  had  broken  out.  All  that  Captain  de 
Roock  could  do  was  to  return  home  at  once  and  in- 
form the  authorities  that  most  of  their  American 
colonies  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  British 
at  precisely  the  moment  when  he  received  his  first 
orders  to  cross  the  ocean. 

During  the  first  six  months  of  the  war,  nothing 
was  done  to  repair  the  damage  effected  by  Eng- 
land's first  attacks.  The  fleet,  which  had  been  sys- 
tematically neglected  for  almost  a  century,  could 
not  be  repaired  within  a  few  months.  There  was 
no  money,  there  was  no  wood,  there  was  no  man- 
agement. The  Prince  was  busy  day  and  night  and 
accomplished  nothing.  Orders  were  given  one  day 
and  were  revoked  the  next.  The  war  was  not  in  the 
least  popular  with  the  oflScers  and  the  sailors,  who 
feared  that  their  ships  were  to  act  only  as  an  auxil- 
iary squadron  to  the  French  fleet.  Under  all  sorts 
of  pretexts,  mostly  on  the  ground  of  the  inefficiency 
of  the  sailors  and  the  poor  condition  of  the  ships, 
the  officers  refused  to  obey  the  orders  to  leave  port. 
The  Estates  General  kept  up  a  continual  com- 
plaint about  the  inactivity  of  the  fleet,  and  clamored 
for  a  few  good  ships  which  could  at  least  bring  home 
the  many  Dutch  ships  now  lying  in  near-by  foreign 
ports.   The  suspension  of  the  Baltic  trade  was  felt 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         275 

as  a  great  blow,  and  from  all  sides  it  was  demanded 
that  something  be  done  to  protect  the  ships  loaded 
with  grain  and  wood  bound  for  Russia  and  Sweden. 

In  April  the  Prince,  in  order  to  show  his  good 
intentions,  went  to  Texel  to  confer  with  the  com- 
manders of  the  fleet  on  the  best  way  in  which  to 
conduct  the  war  and  protect  the  Dutch  trade.  It 
was  found  that  as  yet  nothing  could  be  done.  There 
were  only  eight  small  vessels  capable  of  putting  to 
sea.  Not  until  May  would  there  be  enough  ships 
to  allow  an  action  with  a  fair  chance  of  success. 

From  all  sides  the  blame  was  put  upon  the  Stad- 
holder.  The  large  cities,  with  their  population  de- 
pending entirely  upon  trade  for  a  living,  suffered 
bitterly.  Prices  went  up  and  ready  money  could 
hardly  be  obtained  for  less  than  ten  or  eleven  per 
cent.  In  view  of  all  this  misery,  why  did  not  the 
Stadholder  cause  the  fleet  to  leave  port  and  bring 
home  a  few  of  the  much-needed  ships  .^^ 

It  was  then  that  Amsterdam  spoke  a  word  in  his 
defense.  The  Stadholder  had  to  attend  to  so  many 
things  that  he  could  not  adequately  perform  his 
many  tasks.  Would  it  not  be  a  good  idea  to  appoint 
an  advisory  board  to  help  His  Highness  in  his  la- 
bors? This  plan,  which  Amsterdam  now  brought  up 
in  the  meeting  of  the  Estates  of  Holland,  was  by 
no  means  a  new  one.  Many  years  before,  Bentinck 
had  suggested  the  institution  of  a  responsible 
ministry  to  the  Princess  Anna.  Ever  since,  the  idea 
had  been  referred  to  from  time  to  time.    But  it 


276    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

was  not  in  the  nature  of  either  Anna  or  of  her  son 
to  allow  others  to  help  them.  They  were  too  sus- 
picious. They  preferred  to  leave  numberless  things 
undone  rather  than  share  the  responsibiUty  with 
some  one  else. 

Nor  was  the  plan  carried  out  at  this  time.  In- 
stead of  having  a  secretary  of  the  navy  or  a  board 
of  advisers  which  would  exercise  such  power,  Will- 
iam was  left  to  his  own  fate  and  such  counsel  as  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick  could  give  him.  But  the  days 
of  this  adviser  were  numbered.  The  Duke  had 
gradually  lost  the  confidence  of  all  parties  because 
he  had  tried  to  keep  the  friendship  of  all.  In  the 
quarrel  between  Amsterdam  and  the  Stadholder, 
he  had  not  dared  to  advise  the  Prince  to  break 
Amsterdam's  power  for  good  and  all,  even  at  a 
temporary  sacrifice  of  the  internal  peace  of  the 
country.  He  had  allowed  his  chance  to  go  by,  and 
since  Amsterdam  had  been  victorious  all  along  the 
line  he  could  expect  no  clemency  on  her  part.  His 
removal  became  Part  I  of  the  programme  of  the 
campaign  which  was  being  waged  against  the  Stad- 
holder. 

An  approaching  storm,  either  against  a  person 
or  against  an  institution,  was  in  those  days  always 
heralded  by  an  increased  activity  on  the  part  of  the 
pamphleteers.**  The  Duke  of  Brunswick,  once  the 
best  friend  of  the  country,  whose  valuable  services 
could  not  be  well  enough  rewarded,  now  became 
an  "undesirable  citizen,"  "an  alien,"  who  through 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR  277 

his  friendship  for  England  had  brought  grave  dan- 
ger to  the  country  which  had  done  so  well  by  him, 
and  so  on,  through  all  the  grades  up  to  the  most 
disgusting  scandal.  The  accusations,  however,  did 
not  disturb  the  Duke.  Though  he  had  hardly  an- 
other friend  left  in  the  Republic,  he  could  still 
count  upon  the  loyalty  of  the  Prince,  who,  against 
the  wishes  of  his  own  wife  (who  had  come  to  dislike 
the  Duke  most  sincerely),  supported  his  former 
guardian  against  all  opposition.  Even  when  Am- 
sterdam in  a  solemn  audience  informed  William 
that  so  long  as  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  should  be  his 
adviser,  no  amicable  dealings  between  the  Stad- 
holder  and  the  principal  city  of  the  land  would  be 
possible,  the  Prince  did  not  give  in.  On  the  contrary, 
for  once  he  lost  his  temper  in  righteous  anger,  sent 
the  Amsterdam  delegation  about  its  business,  and 
immediately  told  the  Duke  about  all  that  had  hap- 
pened. 

In  the  period  which  now  followed  the  whole 
country  became  one  large  "debating  society,"  with 
the  subject  of  the  debate:  Resolved,  that  the  Duke 
of  Brunswick  be  dismissed  as  adviser  of  the  Stad- 
holder.  Amsterdam  started  the  discussion  with  a 
pamphlet  which  contained  all  the  many  accusations 
the  town  had  brought  before  the  Prince  in  support 
of  her  demand  for  the  Duke's  dismissal.  The  Duke 
then  answered  wath  a  printed  apology,  in  which  he 
returned  Amsterdam's  compliments.  Up  and  down 
the  land  the  discussion,  upon  the  truth  or  the  lack 


278    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  truth  of  one  or  the  other  statement,  raged  with 
great  violence. 

The  Prince,  who  for  once  in  his  hfe  had  shown 
gratitude  to  a  man  who  had  befriended  him,  now 
found  himself  between  two  fires.  While  the  war 
with  England  continued  and  the  country  was  con- 
tinually getting  into  a  worse  economic  position,  the 
citizens  were  flying  at  one  another's  throats  on  the 
question  as  to  what  should  happen  to  the  German 
Duke  who  for  the  last  twenty  years  by  their  own 
permission  had  pulled  the  strings  of  their  political 
theatre.  The  Prince  and  the  Duke  tried  to  get  an 
open  reparation  for  Amsterdam's  accusations  in  an 
investigation  which  they  asked  to  be  instituted  in 
the  Estates  General.  It  was  hoped  that  in  that 
body  the  influence  of  the  Prince  upon  the  country 
provinces  would  be  able  to  effect  a  decision  in  favor 
of  the  Duke  and  against  Amsterdam.  But  it  ap- 
peared that  several  of  the  most  loyal  provinces, 
even  Friesland,  where  the  ancestors  of  William  had 
been  stadholders  since  the  beginning  of  the  Repub- 
lic, had  experienced  a  change  of  heart. 

The  investigation  started  by  the  Estates  Gen- 
eral, which  in  the  ordinary  course  of  business  had 
again  been  referred  to  the  estates  of  the  different 
provinces,  threatened  to  be  another  defeat  for  the 
Stadholder.  The  Duke  then  recognized  the  futil- 
ity of  further  struggle,  and  decided  not  to  wait 
for  a  final  decision.  On  the  24th  of  May,  1782, 
he  left  the  Hague  and  went  to  Bois-le-Duc,  where 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         279 

he  had  command  of  the  fortifications.  There  he 
remained  for  several  years  in  the  vague  hope  that 
a  reaction  might  set  in  in  favor  of  the  Stadholder 
and  himself. 

Now,  while  all  this  dirty  political  hnen  was  being 
washed  as  much  in  public  as  possible,  what  had  be- 
come of  the  waT?  The  war  had  almost  been  for- 
gotten. Instead  of  fighting  their  enemies,  the  peo- 
ple preferred  to  fight  their  own  Stadholder  and  to 
use  the  British  merely  as  a  convenient  background. 
Indeed,  the  attack  upon  the  Prince  was  so  success- 
ful, with  the  scenery  of  blood  and  murder  provided 
by  the  war,  that  many  of  the  Stadholder's  enemies 
prayed  for  a  continuation  of  the  conflict,  in  order 
that  they  might  the  better  continue  their  fight 
against  his  power. 

As  a  pleasant  relief  in  these  mean  political 
squabbles,  we  must  mention  the  arrival  of  the  first 
American  minister  to  the  Republic,  sent  to  replace 
Laurens,  who  still  graced  the  Tower  of  London  with 
his  presence.  John  Adams,  a  graduate  of  Har- 
vard College  in  1775,  later  second  President  of  the 
United  States,  arrived  in  the  Republic  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  1781.  There  was  considerable  diflSculty 
about  his  status,  as  only  Friesland  had  as  yet  re- 
cognized the  independence  of  the  United  States, 
the  Estates  General  having  so  far  failed  to  do  this. 
But  Adams,  like  the  thirsty  traveler  who  bothers 
not  about  registering,  but  at  once  makes  for  the 
room  where  good  things  are  dispensed,  took  himself 


280    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

immediately  to  Amsterdam,  where  the  supposed 
fleshpots  of  the  Repubhc  were  to  be  found,  and 
started  a  new  agitation  for  a  large  American  loan. 
At  first  he  was  not  successful.  News  of  the  capitu- 
lation of  Charleston  and  the  invasion  of  Georgia 
had  just  reached  the  Republic,  and  the  cause  of  the 
colonists  was  not  looked  upon  in  quite  so  favorable 
a  light  as  before.  While  the  Dutch  had  completely 
lost  their  heads  in  their  violent  partisanships  and 
their  political  quarrels,  they  were  still  unwilling  to 
venture  good  money  on  bad  securities. 

Van  der  Capellen,  who  had  just  then  inherited 
some  money  from  his  mother-in-law,  was  willing 
to  risk  a  few  thousand  dollars.  He  also  wrote  to  his 
friends  and  asked  them  to  do  the  same.  But  their 
sentiments  stopped  where  dividends  began,  and 
Adams  had  to  wait  until  a  year  later,  when  a  final 
turn  in  the  affairs  of  the  colonists,  and  the  cer- 
tainty that  they  would  gain  their  independence  and 
would  be  able  to  pay  their  lawful  debts,  convinced 
the  Dutch  business  world  that  an  American  loan 
was  no  longer  connected  with  an  extraordinary 
peril. 

More  than  once  during  the  war  did  England  try 
to  influence  the  Republic  to  conclude  a  peace.  The 
terms  which  she  offered  were  acceptable,  were,  in- 
deed, infinitely  better  than  the  weak  Republic  had 
any  right  to  expect.  But  each  time  the  British 
secret  agent  who  was  sent  to  Holland  to  suggest 
a  cessation  of  hostilities  met  with  failure.    The 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         281 

Regents  continued  to  maintain  a  vague  hope  that 
France  might  come  to  her  assistance. 

Wilham,  now  left  entirely  to  his  own  devices,  was 
still  puttering  away  at  the  fleet.  After  endless 
debates,  at  last  a  small  squadron  was  collected  to 
protect  the  ships  bound  for  the  Baltic.  On  the 
20th  of  July,  1781,  this  fleet  of  eight  ships  of 
twenty-four  to  twenty-six  guns  each,  commanded 
by  Zoutman,  left  Texel  accompanying  seventy-one 
merchantmen,  who  were  bound  for  northern  ports. 
On  the  5th  of  August,  on  the  Dogger  Bank  it  met 
with  an  English  fleet,  protecting  two  hundred  Eng- 
lish traders  which  had  just  left  the  Baltic  and  which 
were  now  on  their  way  home.  The  British,  w^ho 
were'under  command  of  Hyde  Parker,  had  the  same 
number  of  ships  as  the  Dutch,  but  they  were  of 
much  larger  tonnage  and  carried  from  forty  to 
eighty  guns  each.  In  the  fight  which  now  occurred 
the  Dutch  sailors  conducted  themselves  with  great 
valor  and  not  without  success.  All  the  merchant 
vessels  were  able  to  escape.  When  evening  came, 
both  fleets  were  so  disabled  that  neither  could  con- 
tinue the  fight  another  day.  They  made  for  the  near- 
est ports.  The  Dutch  had  lost  one  hundred  and 
forty-two  men  and  one  ship,  and  had  four  hundred 
and  three  men  wounded.  The  English  losses  about 
equaled  the  Dutch,  but  none  of  their  ships  were 
lost.  Zoutman's  fight  caused  unprecedented  joy  in 
the  Republic.  In  open  battle  his  men  had  held  their 
own  against  great  odds.    A  wave  of  enthusiasm 


282    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

spread  over  the  country.  It  manifested  itself  in 
patriotic  odes  to  the  valiant  shades  of  the  ancestors, 
in  gifts  of  swords  and  medals  to  the  sailors  who  had 
actually  taken  part  in  the  combat,  and  in  an  impos- 
ing funeral  to  those  who  had  given  their  lives  for 
their  country.  Even  the  Prince  came  in  for  some 
praise.  Of  practical  results,  however,  the  battle  had 
none.  The  Dutch  ships  were  in  such  a  disabled 
condition  that  when,  after  almost  two  weeks,  Zout- 
man  finally  reached  Texel,  it  was  evident  that,  for 
that  year  at  least,  the  fleet  could  not  again  leave 
port.  A  very  little  glory  was  the  sole  consolation 
for  the  failure  in  getting  the  merchant  fleet  into  the 
Baltic.^s 

After  a  few  weeks  the  natural  reaction  set  in,  and 
the  heroes  that  had  just  been  extolled  to  the  sky 
were  once  more  pulled  to  earth.  By  this  time  the 
Republic  had  met  with  diflSculties  from  an  entirely 
different  quarter.  While  the  commotion  about  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick's  removal  was  in  full  swing, 
the  Republic  had  been  honored  by  a  visit  from  Jo- 
seph II,  Emperor  of  Austria.  Joseph  had  just  paid 
a  visit  of  state  to  his  Belgian  provinces,  and,  under 
the  incognito  of  Count  Falckenstein,  had  made  a 
little  trip  of  inspection  through  the  Republic.  The 
Republic  had  invited  him  to  watch  the  laundering 
of  its  political  linen,  and  Joseph  had  speedily  seen 
that  from  these  United  Provinces  no  peril  on  earth 
need  be  expected.  Therefore,  as  soon  as  he  returned 
home,  he  informed  the  Estates  General  that  the 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         283 

Barriere  had  ceased  to  exist.  This  Barriere  con- 
sisted of  a  number  of  fortifications  along  the  French 
frontier  which,  since  the  year  1715,  had  been  occu- 
pied by  Dutch  troops  in  order  to  protect  Holland 
against  another  French  invasion.  Their  original 
purpose  had  almost  been  forgotten.  At  the  present 
time,  when  the  Republic  and  France  were  intimate 
friends,  there  was  absolutely  no  occasion  for  these 
fortifications.  They  were  badly  garrisoned,  their 
ramparts  had  been  turned  into  cow  pastures  and 
bleacheries,  and  for  the  sake  of  economy  they  had 
been  generally  neglected  for  many  years.  Joseph 
considered  the  existence  of  these  Dutch  troops  on 
Belgian  soil  an  insult  to  the  honor  of  his  own  private 
establishment.  Accordingly  he  descended  upon  the 
fortifications,  sent  the  Dutch  troops  home,  razed 
the  ramparts,  and  without  a  word  of  explanation 
declared  the  Barriere  abolished.  The  Estates  Gen- 
eral, having  no  possible  way  of  redress,  had  to  bear 
the  inevitable  as  best  they  could.  They  found  some 
consolation  in  the  fact  that  the  Austrian  Emperor 
had  not  at  the  same  time  decided  to  open  the  river 
Scheldt,  an  occurrence  which  they  had  great  reason 
to  fear  at  almost  any  moment. 

About  the  rest  of  the  English  war,  we  can  be  very 
brief.  Except  for  the  encounter  on  the  Dogger  no 
event  of  importance  happened  on  the  high  seas. 
The  Dutch  trade  suffered  terribly,  while  Hamburg, 
Bremen,  and  a  number  of  Scandinavian  cities  pro- 
fited by  taking  the  places  vacated  by  the  Dutch 


284    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

merchants.  The  friendship  with  France,  for  which 
such  great  sacrifices  had  been  made,  cost  the  Re- 
pubhc  much  and  brought  no  profits.  In  September 
of  the  year  1782,  plans  were  made  for  a  common  ac- 
tion of  the  French  and  the  Dutch  fleets.  The  Dutch 
fleet  was  to  join  the  French  one  in  Brest.  But  again 
the  Dutch  oflScers  opposed  this  plan.  Their  fear 
that  they  would  be  commanded  by  a  French  ad- 
miral made  them  find  a  number  of  excuses  to  delay 
the  departure  of  the  expedition.  Several  of  the  best 
officers  even  asked  for  leave  of  absence  for  a  pro- 
longed period.  The  ships  were  never  ready,  the  men 
were  never  trained,  the  weather  was  too  stormy,  or 
there  was  too  little  wind.  In  December  the  fleet 
was  still  in  the  roads  of  Texel.  The  combined  ac- 
tion of  the  French  and  Dutch  fleet  never  took  place 
at  all.  This  experience  caused  a  good  deal  of  resent- 
ment in  France,  which  thereafter  turned  a  deaf  ear 
to  the  wishes  of  her  incompetent  Dutch  friends  and, 
in  February  of  1783,  concluded  peace  with  England 
without  consulting  the  Republic. 

Seven  months  later,  England  recognized  the  in- 
dependence of  the  American  colonies.  The  Amer- 
ican adventure,  entered  upon  partly  out  of  hope 
for  gain  and  partly  out  of  sentiment,  brought  the 
Republic  nothing  but  disappointment.  On  the  19th 
of  April,  1782,  the  Estates  General  recognized 
Adams  as  minister  from  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica. A  Dutch  minister  was  appointed  for  the 
United  States.  The  first  to  hold  this  dignified  office 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         285 

was  Pieter  Johan  van  Berckel,  brother  of  the  Pen- 
sionaris  of  Amsterdam. 

The  ill-fated  commercial  treaty,  the  discovery 
of  which  had  caused  so  much  excitement  and  had 
been  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  English  war, 
was  oflScially  ratified  in  October  of  1782.  Adams 
finally  secured  his  loan  of  five  million  guilders,  and 
left  the  Republic  to  proceed  to  Versailles  as  one 
of  the  American  delegates  for  the  negotiations  of 
peace  then  going  on  between  England  and  the 
colonies. 

As  for  the  commercial  treaty,  it  did  not  in  any 
way  have  the  results  which  had  been  hoped  for. 
The  expectation  that  America  would  cease  to 
trade  with  her  former  enemies,  and  would  give  pre- 
ference to  those  nations  of  Europe  who  had  sup- 
ported her,  proved  to  be  wrong.  The  commerce 
between  America  and  England  went  on  after 
the  war  as  it  had  gone  on  for  centuries  before. 
Amsterdam's  money  market  continued  to  have 
great  attraction  for  the  Americans.  But  when  the 
Dutch  capitahsts  discovered  that  the  new  common- 
wealth possessed  very  curious  notions  about  their 
obligations  towards  their  creditors,  they  became 
very  reluctant  about  granting  new  loans,  and  pre- 
ferred to  invest  their  money  in  such  countries  as  did 
not  continually  threaten  to  annul  their  just  debts. 

On  the  3d  of  September,  1783,  peace  between 
the  United  States  and  England  was  concluded. 
The  RepubHc  now  enjoyed  that  honor  which  some 


286    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  the  extreme  patriots  had  once  wished  for  her. 
She  was  allowed  to  fight  England  all  alone.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  she  was  allowed  to  pay  for  costs 
all  around.  Before  she  finally  concluded  peace 
with  England,  on  the  20th  of  May,  1784,  she  had 
become  involved  in  new  troubles  with  her  neighbor 
Joseph  II. 

In  the  fall  of  1783,  without  any  previous  declara- 
tion of  war,  Austrian  troops  attacked  and  captured 
the  Dutch  fortifications  at  the  mouth  of  the  Scheldt 
and  sent  the  Dutch  troops  home.  An  ofiicial  protest 
on  the  part  of  the  Estates  General  had  no  result, 
and  Joseph  prepared  to  open  the  Scheldt  for  gen- 
eral navigation.  In  the  same  month  in  which  the 
Republic  signed  her  peace  with  England,  Joseph 
presented  the  Republic  with  a  long  list  containing 
his  wishes.  It  was  discovered  that  the  Austrian 
Emperor,  who  lived  in  full  peace  with  the  Republic, 
made  far  greater  demands  than  the  victorious  Eng- 
lish had  done.  Not  only  did  he  desire  what  prac- 
tically amounted  to  opening  the  Scheldt,  but  he 
also  wanted  the  town  of  Maastricht,  a  piece  of  Lim- 
burg,  and  a  couple  of  millions  of  guilders.  The  only 
ground  upon  which  most  of  these  demands  were 
based  was  the  fact  that  Austria  possessed  an  army 
with  which  she  could  enforce  them  and  that  the 
Republic  was  absolutely  defenseless.  Joseph  was 
an  idealist,  but  an  idealist  with  a  practical  turn  of 
mind. 

In  this  precarious  position  the  Republic  was  com- 


THE  LAST  ENGLISH  WAR         287 

pelled  to  look  for  help  elsewhere.  While  Joseph  was 
collecting  forty  thousand  Austrian  soldiers  on  the 
Dutch  frontier,  the  Republic  agreed  to  accept  such 
terms  as  France  offered  in  return  for  her  friend- 
ship and  good  will.  For  the  consideration  of  nine 
million  guilders  in  cash,  of  which  France  pro- 
mised to  pay  half,  Joseph  allowed  himself  to  be 
bribed  into  giving  up  his  many  and  varied  claims. 

A  year  after  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Eng- 
land, the  Republic  signed  the  offensive  and  defens- 
ive treaty  which  bound  her  to  France.  In  case  of 
war  she  was  bound  to  support  France  with  a  fleet  of 
nine  ships  and  six  thousand  men.  France  was  to 
perform  the  same  service  with  eighteen  ships  and 
eighteen  thousand  men. 

The  Regents  and  the  democrats  at  last  obtained 
what  they  had  so  ardently  wished,  that  for  which 
they  had  so  energetically  worked.  The  Stadholder, 
and  such  of  his  party  as  had  through  tradition 
supported  England,  had  suffered  a  severe  defeat. 
The  policy  of  friendship  with  England,  continued 
for  almost  two  centuries,  was  now  definitely  given 
up.  Henceforth  the  Republic,  by  its  own  free  will, 
would  share  the  destinies  of  the  mighty  French 
nation.  She  paid  for  this  mistake  with  complete 
political  annihilation,  and  with  almost  a  century  of 
stagnation,  —  a  stagnation  which  only  during  the 
last  generation  has  given  way  to  a  revival  of  the 
old  intellectual  and  commercial  activity. 


CHAPTER  Vm 

THE  PATRIOTS 

In  the  previous  pages  we  have  briefly  described  the 
foreign  affairs  of  the  Repubhc  during  the  years 
1775  to  1784,  and  have  mentioned  such  external 
events  as  led  directly  to  the  final  destruction  of  her 
commerce  and  to  the  end  of  her  pretensions  to  be 
counted  as  a  political  power  of  importance.  We 
have  also  tried  to  make  clear  that  from  then  on 
the  only  feeling  which  she  inspired  in  her  fellow 
nations  was  one  of  enthusiasm  for  her  great  and 
undiminished  capacity  as  a  money-lender.  The 
essential  facts  in  the  rest  of  our  history  are  yery 
simple. 

1.  The  Stadholder  was  incompetent. 
'  2.  During  the  years  of  the  English  war  the  Re- 
gents and  all  those  who  either  on  theoretical  or 
practical  grounds  were  opposed  to  the  Stadholder 
combined  into  one  party,  which  was  called  the  party 
of  the  Patriots. 

3.  This  party  of  opposition  was  so  successful  that 
at  the  end  of  the  English  war  the  power  of  the 
Stadholder,  in  the  principal  provinces  at  least,  was 
virtually  broken. 

4.  The  Stadholder  was  obliged  to  leave  the  Hague 
and  retire  to  one  of  the  less  important  country 
provinces. 


THE  PATRIOTS  289 

5.  No  sooner  had  he  left  than  the  heterogeneous 
parts  of  the  Patriotic  party  flew  at  one  another's 
throats  on  account  of  the  division  of  the  spoils. 

6.  They  were  therefore  unable  to  resist  the  King 
of  Prussia,  whose  armies  by  brute  force  reestab- 
lished His  Majesty's  brother-in-law  in  all  his  former 
rights  and  prerogatives  as  hereditary  stadholder. 

7.  This  restoration  was  followed  by  the  inevit- 
able reaction. 

8.  The  extreme  left  wing  of  the  Patriotic  party 
had  by  this  time  become  so  radical  that  the  extreme 
right  wing  was  forced  to  make  common  cause  with 
the  Stadholder. 

9.  Since  the  Stadholder  had  been  willing  to  ac- 
cept salvation  from  the  hands  of  a  foreign  power, 
the  Patriotic  party  felt  no  compunction  about  doing 
the  same  thing. 

10.  The  Restoration,  brought  about  by  the  Prus- 
sians, was  followed  by  a  Revolution,  brought  about 
by  the  French. 

The  facts  are  well  known  and  their  sequence  is 
very  simple.  Our  task  is  to  relate  what  inspired 
these  events  and  under  what  circumstances  they 
took  place.  We  must  admit  that  this  is  no  easy 
matter.  Most  of  the  participants  in  the  events  be- 
tween 1780  and  1795  left  no  memoirs.  They  lived 
to  see  the  evil  days  which  befell  their  country  as  a 
result  of  their  own  lack  of  political  sagacity,  and 
they  were  not  desirous  that  posterity  should  know 
exactly  how  they  had  brought  about  the  ruin  of 


290    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

their  fatherland.  Their  correspondence  was  either 
lost  or  was  purposely  destroyed.  A  few  collections 
of  letters  exist.  They  have  been  excellently  edited 
by  the  Dutch  historical  societies,  but  they  do  not 
tell  us  what  we  most  wish  to  know. 

There  remain  to  us  the  contemporary  news- 
papers and  pamphlets.  These  two  streams  of  in- 
formation flow  abundantly,  but  they  are  so  far  from 
pure  and  so  polluted  by  strong  feelings  of  partisan- 
ship that  we  have  to  distill  and  pasteurize  their 
waters  many  times  before  we  can  derive  any  benefit 
from  them. 

William  V  lived  in  the  Hague,  and  he  lived  well. 
The  House  of  Orange  had  prospered  since  the  days 
when  the  first  stadholder  took  up  his  residence  in 
Delft.  The  great  William  the  Silent  had  camped 
out  in  the  barren  rooms  of  a  confiscated  cloister, 
and,  heavily  in  debt,  had  often  not  known  where  to 
get  the  common  supplies  of  the  day.  William  V 
lived  in  royal  style  in  the  comfortable  quarters  of 
the  Binnenhof  in  the  Hague,  and  had  too  much  to 
eat. 

The  House  of  Orange  has  always  been  singularly 
devoid  of  constructive  qualities.  Neither  in  state- 
craft nor  in  architecture  have  they  ever  erected 
anything  new  or  lasting.  Their  labor  on  the  internal 
politics  of  the  Republic  consisted  of  nothing  but 
patchwork.  They  patched  up  such  laws  as  they 
needed  for  their  own  interests  at  a  particular  mo- 
ment, but  they  never  undertook  to  reshape  the 


THE  PATRIOTS  291 

complicated  and  useless  machinery  of  the  Repub- 
lic's government  into  a  satisfactory  form. 

Neither  did  they  ever  feel  any  interest  for  build- 
ings of  a  material  sort  —  for  houses  made  of  brick 
and  mortar.  We  are  not  aware  that  they  ever  con- 
structed a  single  new  palace  or  edifice  of  any  sort. 
They  preferred  to  occupy  houses  already  existing 
and  to  patch  them  up  until  they  were  suitable  for 
men  of  their  high  position. 

The  residence  of  WilHam  V  in  the  Hague  is  a 
typical  example.  It  was  a  collection  of  buildings  of 
different  styles  and  different  periods.  Small  rooms 
had  been  made  by  putting  partitions  into  large  ones, 
and  large  rooms  had  been  made  by  knocking  down 
intervening  walls.  It  was  furnished  after  the  style 
of  the  day.  William  shared  the  general  lack  of 
taste  of  his  House,  and  kept  whatever  things  of 
value  he  had  in  a  separate  museum.  It  is  curious 
to  reflect  that  at  no  point  of  their  history  did  the 
Princes  of  Orange  come  into  contact  with  that 
vast  army  of  artists  whose  names  stand  to  the  out- 
sider for  the  highest  fame  which  our  small  country 
has  ever  reached. 

Such  works  of  art  as  the  stadholders  needed  to 
furnish  their  palaces  they  ordered  from  abroad. 
Rembrandt  knew  little  about  the  Stadholder  under 
whom  he  lived  the  better  part  of  his  long  life,  except 
that  he  experienced  great  difficulty  in  getting  the 
money  which  His  Highness  owed  him.  Such  pic- 
tures as  had  at  one  time  or  the  other  come  into 


292    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

possession  of  the  stadholders  were  sold  wholesale 
by  their  descendants  in  the  nineteenth  century. 

Besides  a  residence  in  the  Hague,  WilUam  V  pos- 
sessed several  houses  in  capitals  of  the  different 
provinces,  notably  in  Nymegen,  a  town  where  his 
influence  remained  strong  until  the  end  of  the 
Repubhc.  He  also  maintained  a  number  of  sum- 
mer residences.  Of  those  the  best  known  was  the 
"Loo,"  situated  in  the  Province  of  Gelderland.  It 
had  first  come  to  fame  in  the  days  of  Wilham  III, 
who  had  changed  it  from  a  simple  hunting  lodge 
into  an  inhabitable  palace.  In  Leeuwarden  the 
Prince  owned  the  old  palace  of  the  stadholders. 

The  Stadholder  usually  lived  in  the  Hague.  The 
other  provinces  he  visited  only  when  his  presence 
was  absolutely  necessary  on  account  of  some  matter 
of  internal  government.  The  Hague  was  a  pleas- 
ant little  town,  and  before  the  Patriotic  troubles 
began,  William  had  been  quite  comfortable  there. 
If  he  wanted  to  escape  the  noise  of  the  city,  never 
very  great,  he  could  drive  out  to  the  House  in  the 
Woods  which  belonged  to  him,  and  there  completely 
separate  himself  from  the  outside  world. 

William,  however,  was  no  recluse.  He  liked  to  see 
people  around  him,  but  he  liked  to  see  them  in 
his  own  way.  William  the  Silent  had  been  waited 
on  by  the  soldiers  of  his  guard,  who  at  the  same 
time  performed  the  services  of  butlers  and  waiters. 
William  V  had  a  complete  court.  From  the  upper 
and  the  lower  grooms  of  the  chamber  down  to  the 


THE  PATRIOTS  293 

upper  and  lower  cooks,  all  the  grades  of  officialdom 
pertaining  to  a  well-established  court  were  repre- 
sented. The  lower  officials  were  mostly  foreigners. 
The  higher  ones  were  Hollanders,  and  belonged 
either  to  the  old  aristocracy  or  to  such  families  as 
through  long  habit  were  considered  worthy  of  being 
received  at  court.  It  is  useless  to  give  their  names, 
as  not  one  of  them  ever  played  any  role  in  our 
history.  They  were  ornamental  but  vapid.  The 
Prince  and  his  court  rolled  around  each  other  like 
peas  in  a  box.  Of  what  happened  outside  of  their 
little  box,  they  knew  nothing. 

Social  life  as  it  exists  in  Anglo-Saxon  countries 
has  never  been  known  in  the  Dutch  RepubKc.  In 
the  Hague  the  foreign  ambassadors  kept  up  some 
sort  of  society,  but  the  Hollanders  took  little  part 
in  it.  Small  talk  did  not  come  easy  to  their  heavy 
minds.  The  court  of  the  Stadholder  was  never  a 
centre  of  gayety  such  as  were  the  courts  of  the 
rulers  in  other  countries.  A  few  official  balls  and 
parties  formed  all  the  entertainment  of  the  year. 
The  people  who  were  invited  to  those  functions  in- 
variably belonged  to  the  ultra-conservative,  ultra- 
respectable,  ultra-dull  class  of  society. 

Of  the  other  layers  of  the  extremely  complex 
Dutch  social  world,  not  to  speak  of  the  men  of  com- 
merce, the  court  of  the  Stadholder  saw  nothing.  It 
was  supposed  that  these  people  would  not  know 
how  to  eat  with  forks  and  would  not  possess  dress 
clothes.  The  immediate  surroundings  of  the  Prince 


294    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

were  such  that  when  the  Baroness  von  Danckel- 
mann,  the  old  Prussian  governess  who  had  been 
sent  to  Holland  by  Eang  Frederic  to  look  after 
the  interests  of  the  Princess,  once  met  a  terribly 
dull  individual  wandering  forlornly  in  the  rooms  of 
the  Loo,  she  said  to  her  companion,  "Look  at  that 
man.  He  must  be  one  of  our  friends." 

The  Stadholder  was  a  very  busy  man.  He  had  a 
number  of  secretaries  to  help  him  with  his  mail  and 
his  dispatches,  but,  as  we  have  mentioned  before, 
he  loved  to  attend  to  all  sorts  of  matters  himself 
and  was  kept  occupied  many  hours  of  the  day 
with  perfectly  futile  labors. 

At  noon,  before  dinner,  he  used  to  go  out  to 
inspect  his  life  guard.  William  I  had  been  so 
badly  guarded  that  it  was  found  an  easy  matter  to 
murder  him  in  his  own  house.  William  V,  whom  no 
earthly  peril  threatened,  maintained  a  life  guard, 
like  every  other  well-conducted  sovereign,  and  was 
greatly  proud  of  it.  He  dearly  loved  to  fuss  about 
details  in  his  men's  uniforms  —  to  change  a  button 
here  and  a  cockade  there. 

The  daily  inspection  of  the  life  guard  was  one 
of  the  sights  of  the  Hague,  and  collected  all  the 
distinguished  strangers  and  the  Orangist  rabble  of 
the  Residence.  After  the  inspection  came  dinner, 
which  was  a  dull  affair.  A  few  persons  of  distinction, 
a  visiting  political  delegation,  or  the  clergyman  who 
had  preached  that  day  were  usually  present.  The 
Prince  ate  much  and  regularly  fell  asleep  after  his 


THE  PATRIOTS  295 

meal.  The  rest  of  the  day  was  spent  with'  more 
work  or  a  trip  to  the  woods.  In  the  evening  people 
bored  themselves  at  home. 

There  was  a  French  opera  in  the  Hague,  but  it 
was  of  inferior  quality.  Of  music  there  was  very 
little  except  an  occasional  performance  by  some 
foreign  talent.  A  theatre  where  Dutch  plays  were 
given  did  not  exist  in  the  Hague.  Not  only  had  the 
stage  always  suffered  from  the  continual  attacks 
of  the  established  church,  but  during  this  part  of 
the  eighteenth  century  the  Dutch  language  was 
no  longer  considered  fashionable  in  educated  cir- 
cles and  people  of  quality  never  spoke  it  except  with 
the  servants.  In  pohte  society  they  spoke  French. 
The  governor  of  their  children  they  addressed  in 
German. 

When  the  Prince  was  in  one  of  the  other  pro- 
vinces things  went  on  very  much  the  same.  In 
every  province  there  were  a  few  families  whom  it 
was  customary  to  invite  to  dinner,  the  heads  of 
which  usually  received  some  honorary  position  at 
the  court  of  the  Prince.  But  here  again  the  Stad- 
holder  never  met  anybody  outside  of  his  little 
circle,  and  was  never  in  a  position  to  learn  the  views 
of  the  men  who  made  up  the  average  workaday 
world. 

The  Princess  enjoyed  the  respect  of  all  those  who 
knew  her,  but  she  did  not  possess  a  personality 
which  inspired  affection.  She  tried  her  best  to 
gather  round  her  husband  men  of  some  force  and 


296    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

character,  but  she  never  seemed  able  to  attract  the 
right  ones.  A  certain  haughtiness  and  stiffness  in 
deahng  with  all  who  did  not  belong  to  her  own 
small  circle  frightened  away  many  useful  people. 
In  general,  all  who  did  not  belong  to  their  own 
chque  were  treated  by  the  Stadholder*s  court  with 
such  arrogance  that  they  preferred  to  stay  at  home 
rather  than  submit  to  gratuitous  insult. 

It  is  a  sad  fact  in  this  sad  history  that  there  was 
not  a  single  man  among  those  immediately  sur- 
rounding the  Stadholder  who  by  his  talents  or  his 
character  or  his  energy  rose  above  mediocrity.  The 
family  of  Bentinck,  since  the  days  of  Wilham  III 
high  in  the  favor  of  the  House  of  Orange,  tried 
to  continue  its  r61e  as  close  advisers  of  His  High- 
ness. Old  Bentinck  van  Roon,  who  had  offered  his 
services  to  William  IV  and  the  Princess  Anna,  had 
received  little  gratitude  for  his  trouble.  He  was 
dead  now,  and  his  grandson  WilKam  Frederic 
Gustavus  was  trying  to  maintain  his  position  as 
head  of  the  Orangist  party.  But  as  the  young  man 
was  terribly  in  debt,  was  of  a  very  unbalanced  and 
impetuous  character,  and  possessed  pronounced 
feudal  notions  about  everything  connected  with 
politics,  he  was  absolutely  unfit  for  the  r61e  which 
he  was  called  upon  to  play. 

Another  candidate  for  the  leadership  of  the  Stad- 
holder*s  party  was  van  Bleiswyk,  the  Raadpen- 
sionaris  of  Holland.  The  old  gentleman,  however, 
had  so  often  made  himself  guilty  of  breaches  of  good 


THE  PATRIOTS  297 

faith,  and  had  tried  so  hard  to  stay  friends  with 
everybody,  that  he  was  distrusted  by  all  and  useless 
as  a  leader. 

When  the  civic  troubles  were  at  their  worst,  one 
of  the  younger  leaders  of  the  Patriotic  party,  a  cer- 
tain Pieter  Paulus,  appeared  for  a  moment  in  the 
councils  of  the  Princess  and  promised  to  play  the 
r61e  which  a  few  years  later  Mirabeau  might  have 
played  during  the  French  Revolution.  He  was  a 
man  of  more  than  ordinary  abihty ,  who  saw  that  the 
course  his  party  was  then  following  was  leading  to 
disaster.  He  was  for  a  time  willing  to  try  to  bridge 
over  the  difficulties  which  separated  the  Stad- 
holder  from  the  Patriots.  But  nothing  came  of  his 
negotiations  with  the  Orangist  party,  and  the  Prus- 
sian restoration  took  place  and  spoiled  all  further 
plans. 

So  much  for  the  leaders.  Now  let  us  see  who  were 
still  adherents  of  the  Prince  and  of  the  system  which 
made  him  the  first  power  in  the  land.  As  we  have 
just  said,  there  were  in  every  province  a  number 
of  noble  families  who  through  tradition  and  habit 
were  partisans  of  the  Princes  of  Orange.  In  the 
second  place,  there  was  the  army  and  the  navy. 
Officers  and  men  had  little  to  expect  from  the 
Regents,  who  hated  them  as  a  costly  and  unproduc- 
tive institution.  Their  interest  lay  with  the  Prince, 
the  only  man  who  was  Hkely  to  need  them,  and 
who  therefore  was  willing  to  treat  them  well.  But 
both  the  army  and  the  navy  were  in  such  disreput- 


298    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

able  condition  that  their  support  at  that  moment 
meant  next  to  nothing. 

In  the  third  place,  we  must  mention  the  estab- 
lished clergy.  Surrounded  on  all  sides  by  other  de- 
nominations who  were  excluded  from  the  benefits 
which  went  to  the  estabUshed  church,  the  clergy 
had  always  felt  its  strength  to  be  in  a  close  union 
with  the  Stadholder,  the  only  power  in  the  Republic 
who  could  support  them  against  their  enemies.  In 
return  for  this  support  they  obliged  the  stadholders 
by  preaching  among  their  flocks  the  well-known 
gospel  of  the  obUgations  of  the  servant  towards  his 
master  and  of  the  duties  of  subjects  to  obey  those 
whom  it  had  pleased  God  to  set  up  over  them. 
When  the  days  of  evil  came,  they  had  at  least  the 
courage  to  stick  to  the  party  of  the  Prince.  Of  the 
very  few  people  who  defended  the  Stadholder  at  a 
time  when  such  conduct  was  accompanied  by  risk 
to  their  persons  and  much  annoyance  to  their  fam- 
ihes,  many  were  clergymen. 

The  great  strength  of  the  Stadholder,  however, 
lay  in  the  lower  classes  of  society.  The  masses,  the 
men  of  the  people,  the  common  men,  were  usually 
too  much  occupied  with  the  difiicult  immediate 
problem  of  how  to  make  both  ends  meet  to  bother 
themselves  with  politics.  Nobody  cared  about  them 
and  they  did  not  mind  that  nobody  cared.  They  no 
more  expected  a  share  in  the  government  of  their 
nation  than  at  present  the  domestic  cows  in  our 
pastures  expect  to  be  represented  in  the  coimtry's 


,THE  PATRIOTS  299 

parliament.  They  became  conscious  of  the  form 
of  government  under  which  they  Uved  only  when 
through  a  mistake  of  the  ruHng  party  their  source 
of  income  momentarily  ceased  to  flow.  Upon  such 
occasions  they  used  to  rise  up  in  their  might,  usu- 
ally influenced  by  a  Uberal  amount  of  brandy  sup- 
plied by  those  who  wished  to  use  them  for  their 
own  ends,  and  used  to  run  to  the  town  hall  and 
demand  that  a  change  in  policy  be  made.  Then 
having  exercised  sufiicient  pressure  upon  the  govern- 
ment to  bring  about  the  desired  change,  and  pro- 
sperity having  once  more  returned,  they  were  quite 
wiUing  to  resume  their  humble  occupations  and 
leave  the  difficult  problem  of  government  to  their 
betters.  Their  immediate  masters  were  the  Re- 
gents. These  were  very  strict  masters  and  were 
never  popular  with  their  subjects. 

Here  is  where  the  advantage  of  the  Prince  came 
in.  He  was  to  most  people  a  sort  of  mythical  per- 
son who  lived  far  away  in  the  Hague.  His  power 
they  considered  to  be  immense,  since  upon  occa- 
sions he  could  even  dismiss  the  almighty  Regents. 
Since  he  was  the  one  person  who  never  did  harm  to 
common  man  and  often  benefited  him,  the  masses 
felt  instinctively  that  it  was  to  their  interest  to 
support  him.  This  they  did  until  the  end  with  great 
faithfulness.  For  their  lack  of  political  wisdom 
they  made  up  by  an  excess  of  zeal.  But  left  with- 
out guidance  by  WilHam,  their  efforts  on  his  behalf 
never  achieved  any  success.    And  here  endeth  the 


300    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

enumeration  of  those  upon  whom  the  Stadholder 
could  count  as  his  supporters:  the  army,  the  navy, 
the  estabhshed  clergy,  and  the  mob  were  his  party. 

We  must  now  consider  the  different  elements  of 
which  the  opposition,  the  Patriotic  party,  was  com- 
posed. Here  our  task  becomes  vastly  more  difficult. 

We  must  at  once  rid  ourselves  of  any  modern 
ideas  about  a  party  system.  In  former  times,  with 
stadholder  and  regents  opposing  each  other,  the 
country  had  been  vaguely  divided  into  two  parties, 
one  of  which  was  in  and  the  other  of  which  was 
trying  to  get  in.  But  neither  party  represented  the 
people  at  large.  During  the  latter  part  of  the  eight- 
eenth century,  however,  the  fight  against  the  Stad- 
holder was  no  longer  made  exclusively  by  those  who 
wanted  to  possess  for  themselves  what  the  Stad- 
holder happened  to  have,  but  by  numbers  of  par- 
ties and  small  groups  of  parties  and  individuals,  all 
of  whom  had  their  own  particular  reason  for  wish- 
ing to  have  a  hand  in  the  government  under  which 
they  lived. 

In  every  separate  province,  in  every  different 
city,  and  even  in  some  of  the  larger  villages,  we  shall 
find  individuals  and  small  groups  of  individuals  who 
are  making  opposition  to  the  Stadholder  at  first  and 
to  the  Regents  later,  inspired  by  the  most  varied  of 
motives. 

At  the  head  of  all  this  opposition,  easily  first  by 
reason  of  her  economic  strength,  stood  the  town 
of  Amsterdam.   Most  of  the  other  towns  in  Hoi- 


VIOLENT   ENCOUNTER   BETWEEN   PATRIOTIC  MDl 


AND   CITIZENS   IN   ROTTERDAM   ON   APRIL  3,  1784 


THE  PATRIOTS  301 

land,  especially  those  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
province,  were  in  so  many  ways  dependent  upon 
Amsterdam  that  they  could  not  well  afford  to  op- 
pose her  in  the  meetings  of  the  provincial  estates. 
It  was  Amsterdam  which  had  most  of  all  been  op- 
posed to  the  traditional  policy  of  friendship  with 
England,  which  had  been  at  the  head  of  those  who 
agitated  for  an  alliance  with  France.  It  was  Am- 
sterdam which,  on  her  own  account,  had  entered 
upon  negotiations  with  America  before  the  Repub- 
lic had  recognized  the  independence  of  the  United 
States. 

In  all  matters  of  internal  politics  the  government 
of  the  town  acted  with  all  the  overbearing  haughti- 
ness of  persons  who  are  accustomed  to  buy  their 
way  in  the  world.  In  many  ways  the  town  was  far 
ahead  of  the  rest  of  the  country.  It  felt  annoyed 
because  the  other  parts  of  the  Republic  did  not 
keep  up  the  pace,  and  without  the  slightest  feeling 
for  the  common  fatherland  it  simply  went  ahead 
and  did  not  bother  about  its  neighbors.  If  the 
others  did  not  approve  of  Amsterdam's  actions,  so 
much  the  worse  for  the  others.  In  the  Estates  of 
Holland,  as  well  as  in  the  Estates  General,  Amster- 
dam behaved  in  all  matters  as  if  it  knew  no  other 
law  than  her  own  interests.  Her  spokesman  was  the 
Pensionaris  of  the  town,  van  Berckel,  a  man  who 
having  made  a  failure  of  the  law  had  made  a  suc- 
cess of  marriage,  and,  owing  to  the  large  funds 
which  his  wife  had  put  at  his  disposal  and  the  pro- 


302    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC     • 

tection  of  one  of  Amsterdam's  mayors,  had  made 
an  excellent  career. 

Towards  the  Stadholder  the  conduct  of  Am- 
sterdam was  often  most  insulting.  In  their  direct 
deaUngs  with  the  Prince,  the  Amsterdam  Regents 
regularly  used  a  tone  which  was  overbearing  and 
insolent. 

The  middle  classes  of  Amsterdam  were  only  grad- 
ually drawn  into  the  opposition.  They,  like  their 
fellow  citizens  elsewhere,  had  not  the  slightest  influ- 
ence up)on  the  government  under  which  they  lived, 
which  levied  their  taxes.  They  paid  their  money 
and  obeyed  the  "lordships'*  who  sat  in  the  town 
hall.  With  the  increasing  interest  in  political  life 
the  middle  classes  began  to  form  debating  societies, 
and  in  their  clubs  discussed  the  many  reasons  for 
their  discontent.  Since  the  Stadholder  showed  no 
desire  to  champion  their  cause,  they  were  quite 
naturally  driven  into  the  opposition,  and  there  wel- 
comed by  the  Regents,  who  were  grateful  for  any 
allies  in  their  war  upon  the  Prince. 

The  fourth  estate  of  Amsterdam,  like  the  masses 
everywhere,  was  unreasonably  pro-Stadholder. 
Time  and  again  had  they  risen  up  from  among  their 
slums  to  defend  their  Prince,  and  in  this  way  had 
incurred  the  displeasure  of  their  lordships,  who 
were  severe  masters  and  quick  to  decide  who  should 
swing  outside  of  the  windows  of  the  municipal 
weighing  house  and  who  should  be  merely  flogged. 

During  the  days  of  the  Patriotic  troubles  these 


THE  PATRIOTS  303 

poor  people  remained  faithful  to  the  Prince.  Hav- 
ing been  first  ordered  about  by  the  Regents,  they 
were  then  for  some  time  bullied  by  the  Patriotic 
militia;  and  when  the  day  of  the  restoration  of  the 
Stadholder  came,  they  were  allowed  to  knock  in  the 
windows  of  all  those  who  had  lorded  it  over  them. 
Finally,  the  French  Revolution  upset  the  whole 
existing  order  of  things,  and  the  common  people 
with  all  those  fine  gentlemen  above  them  were  put 
into  Mr.  Bonaparte's  uniform  and  were  given  a 
chance  to  prove  whether  they  could  stand  the 
Spanish  or  Russian  climate  better  than  their  for- 
mer masters  did. 

In  Rotterdam,  the  second  city  of  the  land,  condi- 
tions were  slightly  different.  Rotterdam,  by  its  very 
situation  and  the  fact  that  it  contained  a  numer- 
ous English  and  Scotch  colony,  has  always  been 
closely  related  to  England.  The  town  was  not 
powerful  enough  to  prevent  the  war  with  England 
and  was  with  all  the  others  drawn  into  the  Patriotic 
movement.  But  its  Regents  never  acted  against  the 
Stadholder  with  the  personal  bitterness  which  was 
assumed  by  their  colleagues  in  Amsterdam. 

Paulus,  one  of  the  Patriots  who,  as  we  have  seen 
before,  had  endeavored  to  bring  about  an  under- 
standing between  his  party  and  the  supporters  of 
the  Prince,  Hved  in  Rotterdam  as  the  director  of  the 
Admiralty  of  the  Maas.  The  middle  class  in  Rotter- 
dam was  Patriotic.  It  read  its  Rousseau  and  dis- 
cussed its  Montesquieu  and  met  in  its  Patriotic 


304    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

clubs,  and  later  on  drilled  and  marched  with  great 
zeal  for  the  glory  and  defense  of  civic  liberty.  The 
lower  class  was  possessed  of  a  most  ardent  love  for 
the  House  of  Orange,  and  if  there  was  one  place  in 
the  Republic  where  the  Prince  was  more  popular 
than  among  his  own  court,  it  was  in  the  fish-market 
of  the  good  town  of  Rotterdam. 

The  towns  of  Haarlem  and  Dordrecht  presented 
very  much  the  same  sort  of  conditions.  The  top  and 
the  middle  class  were  opposed  to  the  Stadholder,  the 
lower  one  was  his  friend.  The  smaller  cities  simply 
took  their  orders  from  the  larger  ones,  and,  except 
Delft,  which  had  for  a  long  time  been  the  resi- 
dence of  the  stadholders,  they  all  united  in  an  ever- 
increasing  spirit  of  opposition  to  everything  good 
or  bad  which  came  from  the  side  of  the  Stadholder. 
In  the  Province  of  Zeeland,  the  Prince  as  Marquis 
of  Veere  and  Flushing  always  had  maintained  a  cer- 
tain influence.  Unfortunately  William  was  repre- 
sented in  the  estates  there  by  a  man  who  was  con- 
siderable of  a  fool.  Among  the  Zeeland  Regents, 
however,  he  was  supported  by  a  small  but  import- 
ant party  of  able  men.  Hence  the  Patriotic  middle 
classes  in  this  province  did  not  go  hand  in  hand  with 
the  Regents.  In  the  estates  of  the  province  three  of 
the  cities  remained  on  the  side  of  the  Stadholder, 
and  they,  together  with  the  representative  of  the 
Prince,  outvoted  the  three  other  cities  which  took 
their  orders  from  Holland  and  voted  the  Patriotic 
programme. 


THE  PATRIOTS  305 

In  the  Province  of  Utrecht  the  opposition  to  the 
Stadholder  was  quite  general.  In  this  province  the 
capital,  the  town  of  Utrecht,  was  the  domineering 
force.  Situated  in  the  centre  of  the  country,  pro- 
sperous and  with  an  excellent  university,  the  people 
of  Utrecht  were  perhaps  a  little  better  informed  of 
the  affairs  of  the  day  and  took  a  more  intelligent 
interest  in  them  than  their  fellow  countrymen. 
Since  the  year  1674,  when  Utrecht  had  been  evacu- 
ated by  the  French  and  had  entered  the  Union 
once  more  as  conquered  territory,  the  town  had 
suffered  under  the  infamous  *'Reglements"  which 
William  III,  in  his  desire  to  establish  his  own  power 
firmly,  had  forced  upon  the  city  and  which  made 
the  Stadholder  practically  the  master  of  the  mu- 
nicipal government.  Hence  the  Stadholder  was  a 
most  unp>opular  oflScial  with  all  classes  of  society. 

The  next  province,  Gelderland,  was  divided  into 
many  different  parties.  Here  the  Stadholder  had 
great  influence  in  the  cities,  where  he  had  the  abso- 
lute right  of  appointment.  In  Gelderland,  however, 
there  was  a  large  class  of  landed  gentry,  who  were 
independent  of  the  Stadholder  and  of  the  Regents 
alike.  Under  the  leadership  of  the  family  of  van  der 
Capellen  these  men  were  among  the  very  first  to 
adopt  the  current  modern  ideas;  therefore  they 
were  of  the  opposition  to  the  Stadholder,  whose 
power  in  their  province  they  considered  to  be  en- 
tirely too  great.  They  were  soon  joined  by  the  mid- 
dle class  of  the  cities,  who  suffered  under  the  bad 


306    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

appointments  made  by  the  Stadholder  or  his 
Heutenant. 

Here  we  must  note  that  only  the  cities  where  the 
court  of  the  Stadholder  used  to  reside  regularly 
showed  any  affection  for  the  Prince.  Opposition  to 
this  rich  dignitary,  whose  household  ate  more  sugar 
and  bread  and  used  more  candles  and  had  more 
horses  shod  than  anybody  else,  would  have  re- 
sulted in  a  direct  loss  to  the  pockets  of  the  mer- 
chants of  those  cities,  and  we  can  hardly  blame 
them  for  hooraying  when  the  Prince  once  more 
returned  to  reside  in  their  midst. 

A  large  part  of  the  population  of  Gelderland  had 
remained  faithful  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  these 
people,  like  all  the  Protestant  dissenters,  were  op- 
posed to  the  Stadholder  as  the  one  power  in  the 
Republic  which  helped  their  enemies  maintain  the 
strict  discrimination  against  all  those  who  did  not 
belong  to  the  oflScial  church. 

In  Overysel  the  opposition  to  the  Stadholder 
came  chiefly  from  the  larger  cities  and  from  several 
of  the  nobles.  It  was  in  the  Estates  of  Overysel 
that  our  friend  van  der  Capellen  had  first  distin- 
guished himself  with  his  ardent  speeches  on  behalf 
of  the  Americans.  Through  his  family  he  belonged 
in  Gelderland,  but  he  had  not  been  able  to  obtain 
a  seat  in  the  estates  of  that  province.  He  had,  there- 
fore, taken  a  nominal  residence  in  Overysel,  and 
after  a  couple  of  years  had  been  able  to  secure  a 
seat  in  the  estates  of  that  province. 


THE  PATRIOTS  307 

The  province  of  Drenthe  did  not  count.  It  was 
sparsely  populated,  very  poor,  and,  though  al- 
lowed to  pay  its  share  of  the  expenses  of  the  Re- 
public, it  was  never  represented  in  the  Estates 
General. 

In  Groningen  the  century-old  quarrel  between 
the  country  and  the  town  was  continued  as  before. 
The  town,  the  centre  of  which  was  a  liberal  uni- 
versity with  a  large  number  of  hberal  professors,  was 
Patriotic;  the  country  districts  were  Orangist.  The 
rustic  element  was,  however,  outvoted  by  the  city 
people;  and  when  William  mixed  himself  in  a  uni- 
versity quarrel  about  the  lack  of  orthodoxy  of  one 
of  the  Groningen  professors  and  supported  the 
dominies  who  were  attacking  the  liberal  teacher, 
his  last  prestige  in  the  city  disappeared. 

Friesland  was  essentially  an  agricultural  country. 
Its  larger  farmers  were  independent  men  with  a 
share  in  the  government,  and  with  few  exceptions 
they  did  not  take  kindly  to  the  new  notions  of  the 
Patriots.  The  Patriotic  party,  however,  was  well 
represented  in  the  cities,  and  counted  in  its  ranks 
some  very  capable  and  very  energetic  young  men, 
who,  following  in  general  lines  the  democratic  doc- 
trines preached  by  van  der  Capellen  and  his  friends, 
made  violent  opposition  to  the  Prince. 

The  many  Jews  residing  in  the  Republic  were 
divided  into  two  parties.  The  Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese Jewish  families  were  strongly  aristocratic  and 
on  the  side  of  the  Prince.   The  others,  in  so  far  as 


308    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

they  took  any  interest  in  politics,  adopted  the  most 
extreme  modern  views. 

Now  we  are  well  aware  that  this  short  description 
is  not  so  clear  as  we  should  wish  it  to  be.  But  the 
problem  is  strangely  complicated.  During  the  years 
of  the  Patriotic  troubles  the  most  heterogeneous 
characters  came  to  the  surface  of  the  agitated  polit- 
ical sea,  played  their  Httle  r61e,  and  disappeared 
again.  Respectable  citizens,  whose  only  interest 
had  hitherto  centred  around  their  standing  on  the 
Exchange,  were  discovered  to  be  publishing  pam- 
phlets written  in  a  language  of  such  violence  as 
men  expected  to  hear  only  in  the  lowest  dives. 

Clergymen,  who  for  years  had  followed  their 
pious  calling  to  the  general  contentment  of  their 
devoted  flock,  suddenly  gave  up  flock,  wife,  child- 
ren, and  reputation,  and  went  about  drilling  shop 
clerks  and  barbers'  apprentices  in  order  that  they 
might  forcibly  defend  their  Human  Rights  against 
a  Tyrant's  encroachments. 

Regents,  whose  pride  and  arrogance  had  become 
proverbial,  were  seen  hand  in  glove  with  members 
of  the  despised  lower  classes,  and  openly  received 
men  who  a  year  before  would  not  have  been  al- 
lowed to  enter  their  houses  except  by  the  back 
doors. 

All  old  standards,  all  former  proportions,  seem  to 
have  been  temporarily  lost  sight  of.  Families  con- 
nected with  each  other  by  years  of  the  most  inti- 
mate friendships  suddenly  ceased  to  be  on  speaking 


THE  PATRIOTS  309 

terms.  Members  of  the  same  family  attacked  each 
other  in  the  yellow  press  of  their  day  with  a  fury 
hardly  imaginable  in  the  phlegmatic  race  to  which 
they  belonged. 

Those  who  were  the  Opposition  to-day  were  the 
Established  Government  of  to-morrow  and  the 
Reactionaries  of  the  day  after.  The  Defender  of 
Human  Liberty  of  one  week  was  the  Tyrant  who 
attacked  Human  Freedom  the  next.  And  so  on,  for 
fifteen  whole  years.  For  fifteen  years  the  country 
represented  a  complete  topsy-turvydom,  of  which  it 
has  never  ceased  to  be  ashamed. 

The  first  part  of  the  programme  of  the  Patriotic 
party  had  consisted  in  a  combined  attack  of  all  the 
discontented  elements  upon  the  Prince,  as  the  one 
person  responsible  for  the  terrible  failure  of  the 
Dutch  fleet  in  the  English  war.  As  we  have  briefly 
mentioned  in  the  last  chapter,  this  attack,  while 
directed  against  the  Prince,  had  been  more  espe- 
cially waged  against  the  Duke  of  Brunswick.  The 
Duke,  unable  to  maintain  himself  against  this  on- 
slaught from  all  sides,  had  been  forced  to  leave  the 
court  of  the  Prince  and  had  retired  to  Bois-le-Duc. 
This  was  the  first  great  victory  of  the  Opposition, 
and  they  were  inordinately  proud  of  it. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  cannot  astonish  us 
that  the  Opposition  and  its  leader,  the  town  of 
Amsterdam,  were  greatly  annoyed  at  a  certain  piece 
of  news  which  was  spread  about  in  March  of  1781. 
According  to  this  bit  of  information  a  new  pam- 


310    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

phlet  had  just  been  published  which  in  very  severe 
terms  attacked  Amsterdam  for  her  conduct  just 
previous  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war  with  England. 
The  story  proved  to  be  true.  The  pamphlet  did 
exist,  and  was  in  such  great  demand  that  single 
copies  of  it  were  immediately  traded  for  their 
weight  in  silver.  Now  if  the  author  of  this  pamphlet 
had  been  the  ordinary  little  penny-a-liner,  Amster- 
dam would  not  have  been  greatly  agitated  by  the 
news.  But  the  attack  came  from  no  one  less  than 
the  erstwhile  "  Infant  Prodigy  "  of  the  University  of 
Utrecht,  Professor  van  Goens. 

Rycklof  Michiel  van  Goens  belonged  by  birth  to 
the  governing  class  of  the  town  of  Utrecht.  His 
mother  was  an  Englishwoman,  daughter  of  one  of 
the  officers  of  the  Scottish  brigade  in  the  Hague. 
Her  son  had  been  educated  half  as  a  Hollander  and 
half  as  an  Englishman.  By  preference  van  Goens 
was  English,  and  regretted  that  through  his  father 
he  was  bound  to  a  country  which  lacked  all  appre- 
ciation of  his  many  remarkable  gifts.**  He  spent  his 
early  youth  in  the  pursuit  of  all  the  varied  studies 
which  were  usually  reserved  for  boys  of  an  older 
age,  and  at  seventeen  was  given  a  professorship  in 
the  University  of  Utrecht.  He  was  hailed  as  the 
successor  of  Grotius,  who  also  at  the  age  when  other 
boys  learn  to  smoke  their  first  pipes  passed  his 
leisure  hours  in  writing  Latin  and  Greek  poetry. 

At  the  age  of  eighteen,  van  Goens  had  devel- 
oped into  a  hopeless  neurasthenic  and  was  teaching 


THE  PATRIOTS  311 

history,  classical  antiquities,  rhetoric,  and  Greek 
philology  in  the  university  of  his  native  town.  For 
ten  years  he  taught  men  twice  his  age,  and  now  in 
his  twenty-eighth  year  had  grown  into  an  unbear- 
able egotist.  He  had  collected  a  famous  library,  had 
edited  the  works  of  many  classical  authors,  and 
had  received  the  worship  and  homage  of  all  those 
who  took  an  interest  in  literature.  Then,  by  pure 
chance,  he  got  into  trouble  with  the  clergy.  A  few 
years  before  he  had  incurred  the  anger  of  the  ortho- 
dox brethren,  on  account  of  his  defense  of  the  "vir- 
tues of  Socrates."  Van  Goens,  in  one  of  his  books, 
had  hinted  at  a  possibility  of  Socrates  having  en- 
tered Paradise.  This  sentiment  had  given  ojffense 
to  some  obscure  theological  scribe  who,  however, 
had  been  speedily  subdued  by  the  clever  pen  of  the 
young  Utrecht  professor. 

All  this  had  occurred  before  the  feelings  of  polit- 
ical partisanship  had  attained  such  great  propor- 
tions in  the  daily  life  of  all  good  citizens.  With  the 
increase  of  the  sentiments  of  atheism  and  indiffer- 
ence towards  the  Church,  there  had  been  an  in- 
crease in  the  violence  with  which  the  ultra-orthodox 
clergy  defended  their  own  principles.  There  was  a 
revival  of  good,  old-fashioned  Calvinism,  and  at  the 
head  of  this  movement  stood  a  certain  Dominie 
Hof stede,  a  great  friend  of  the  Stadholder.  In  order 
to  make  propaganda  for  his  ideas,  Hof  stede  had 
founded  a  little  paper  and  at  the  same  time  he  had 
appointed  himself  Grand  Inquisitor  of  the  religious 


sn    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

feelings  of  all  his  fellow  citizens.  Such  as  were  for 
any  reason  found  to  be  lax  in  their  beliefs  were 
dragged  by  him  into  the  court  of  justice  of  his  little 
magazine,  were  there  held  up  for  public  disapproval, 
and  were  punished  according  to  their  deserts.  Van 
Goens  had  been  on  his  list  of  "suspected  persons" 
for  a  long  time.  As  Professor  of  Greek,  van  Goens 
had  to  teach  and  explain  the  books  of  the  New  Test- 
ament, and  their  explanation  has  always  been  a 
subject  of  great  concern  to  those  opposed  to  all  rad- 
ical criticism. 

Now  it  so  happened  that  in  the  year  1776  van 
Goens  translated  a  perfectly  harmless  booklet  of  a 
certain  German  rationalist,  called  Moses  Mendel- 
sohn. Furthermore,  it  so  happened  that  this  trans- 
lation fell  into  the  hands  of  Dominie  Hofstede  and 
greatly  displeased  the  reverend  gentleman.  There 
were  in  the  little  pamphlet  of  only  a  few  pages  some 
remarks  about  Christ  and  the  Gospels  which 
smacked  of  a  certain  modern  frivolity  of  expression. 
So  the  dominie  sat  himself  down  and  wrote  an 
article  in  which  he  admonished  van  Goens  in  a 
most  fatherly  way  never  to  forget  those  wise  lessons 
which  he  had  received  from  his  venerable  parents. 

But  that  was  not  all.  From  the  highest  pinnacle 
of  his  own  righteousness  Hofstede  asked  whether 
the  proper  respect  for  Moses  and  the  prophets 
could  be  expected  from  a  young  man  who  so  greatly 
revered  the  works  of  Voltaire,  Diderot,  and  Hume. 
Now  any  other  criticism  would  have  been  less 


THE  PATRIOTS  31S 

objectionable  to  van  Goens  than  this  fatherly 
epistle.  He  forgot  all  prudence  and  allowed  himself 
to  lose  his  temper.  This  is  a  fatal  mistake  in  all 
disputes  with  the  clergy.  Van  Goens  soon  discov- 
ered the  truth  of  this  statement.  He  became  in- 
volved in  an  absurd  dispute,  and  before  he  was 
thirty  years  old  he  had  made  himself  impossible  as 
a  professor  of  the  university,  and  had  to  offer  his 
resignation. 

Since  he  had  spent  most  of  his  private  fortune  on 
his  famous  private  Hbrary  he  had  to  look  for  some 
sort  of  occupation.  Through  the  influence  of  the 
Stadholder,  he  got  an  office  in  the  government  of 
his  native  city,  a  position  for  which  he  was  not  in 
the  least  fitted  and  which  he  neglected  from  the 
beginning.  Gradually  he  began  to  take  an  interest 
in  the  politics  of  his  province.  In  all  his  ideas  about 
a  well-appointed  government,  van  Goens  was  a 
strict  conservative.  The  "authorities"  meant  to 
him  everything.  The  rest  of  the  people  were  there 
to  obey  and  not  to  question. 

When  the  unexpected  happened,  and  the  British 
were  beaten  by  the  Americans,  van  Goens,  who  as 
we  have  mentioned  before  considered  himself  half 
an  Englishman,  was  very  angry,  and  his  anger 
directed  itself  against  the  first  persons  whom  he 
could  connect  with  the  cause  of  his  annoyance. 
Amsterdam's  secret  negotiations  with  America  had 
just  then  been  discovered,  and  from  that  moment 
on  Amsterdam  meant  to  van  Goens  the  incarnation 


314    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  all  those  forces  the  influence  of  which  he  thought 
most  pernicious  for  the  weal  of  the  country. 
J  As  we  have  also  seen  before,  Amsterdam  was  not 
punished  for  her  conduct,  but  emerged  from  the 
affair  into  which  she  had  driven  the  country  with  a 
nimbus  of  Patriotic  glory.  She  even  went  so  far  as 
to  hire  a  professional  writer,  a  certain  Calkoen,  to 
compose  a  defense  of  her  actions. 

This  was  too  much  for  the  excitable  ex-professor. 
He  set  to  work  and  wrote  what,  among  the  thou- 
sands of  pamphlets  of  this  time,  is  almost  the  only 
readable  one.  He  did  not  intend  to  inform  the  vul- 
gar crowd  of  his  sentiments  and  wrote  only  for  the 
benefit  of  his  equals.  In  order  to  keep  his  literary 
product  from  being  read  by  the  crowd  in  the  street, 
he  put  the  price  of  it  at  ten  guilders.  But  the  de- 
mand immediately  surpassed  the  supply,  and  there 
was  a  sudden  boom  of  the  pamphlet  which  drove 
the  price  up  to  quite  an  unheard-of  height.  Several 
new  editions  appeared  in  quick  succession.  A 
French  translation  brought  the  pamphlet  within 
the  understanding  of  the  diplomatic  corps  in  the 
Hague.  *^ 

For  those  lazy  readers  to  whom  the  three  hundred 
and  thirty-six  pages  were  too  much  of  an  undertak- 
ing, a  shorter,  abbreviated  edition  was  issued.  The 
first  edition  of  the  pamphlet  is  of  the  year  1781, 
dated  March  11.  The  name  of  the  author  is  not 
given,  but  only  his  picture  in  vignette. 

About  the  contents  we  can  be  brief.  Van  Goens 


THE  PATRIOTS  315 

first  gives  a  short  review  of  the  internal  and  external 
politics  of  the  Repubhc,  and  carefully  describes  the 
attitude  of  Amsterdam  in  connection  with  all  these 
historical  events.  He  comes  to  the  final  conclusion 
that  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances  Am- 
sterdam has  worked  only  for  her  own  interests.  The 
events  leading  up  to  the  last  English  war  are  briefly 
mentioned.  Commodore  Jones  does  not  have  an 
admirer  in  Professor  van  Goens,  but  is  merely  a 
"Scotchman  who  has  escaped  his  own  fatherland 
after  he  has  murdered  a  fellow  sailor  and  then  has 
entered  the  service  of  the  American  rebels."  Fin- 
ally, the  author  blames  Amsterdam  directly  for  all 
the  misery  into  which  the  country  has  been  plunged, 
and  for  the  disastrous  break  with  the  best  friend  of 
the  Republic,  which  break,  according  to  him,  was 
only  brought  about  by  Amsterdam  in  the  hope  of 
increasing  her  own  revenues. 

The  storm  which  van  Goens  called  forth  by  the 
publication  of  this  pamphlet  was  terrific,  and  he 
himself  was  to  perish  in  it.  He  discovered  at  once 
that  he  stood  all  alone.  The  friends  of  the  Prince 
did  not  dare  to  come  to  the  support  of  a  man  who 
was  personally  very  unpopular  and  who  had  already 
incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  clergy.  The  Stad- 
holder  himself,  in  whose  defense  the  publication 
had  been  undertaken,  was  more  embarrassed  than 
pleased.  The  Duke  of  Brunswick,  who  had  his  own 
difficulties  with  Amsterdam,  did  not  advise  him  to 
encourage  van  Goens  openly. 


316    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

On  the  other  hand,  the  town  of  Amsterdam  at 
once  prepared  for  the  defense.  Within  three  months 
six  different  pamphlets  appeared  which  defended 
her  conduct  and  attacked  the  Hbelous  accusations 
of  van  Goens.  They  also  published  a  good  deal  of 
information  about  the  personal  character  and  hab- 
its of  the  former  professor,  which  delighted  the  read- 
ing pubhc  of  that  day  and  at  the  same  time  spoiled 
van  Goen's  chance  to  act  as  the  apostle  of  a  new 
school  of  righteousness. 

Embittered  by  this  attack  and  the  neglect  of  the 
Stadholder,  van  Goens  at  first  showed  little  desire 
to  write  an  answer.  Then,  after  a  period  of  four 
months,  he  had  a  sudden  inspiration,  and  within  a 
few  hours  composed  a  satire  on  the  conditions  in  the 
Republic  which,  like  his  other  publication,  stands 
forth  from  among  the  mass  of  rubbish  which  at  that 
time  was  turned  out  of  the  printing-shops.** 

In  July  of  the  same  year,  just  at  the  moment 
when  the  Prince  was  again  being  attacked  from  all 
sides,  there  appeared  a  booklet  which  had  as  title: 
"Seven  villages  in  flames  through  the  Imprudence 
of  the  Sheriff  and  a  Secretary,  or  History  of  the 
Doughnuts.  A  Story  of  day  before  yesterday  trans- 
lated from  the  Malayan  language  by  C.  P.  L.  P. 
Printed  in  the  Castle  of  Batavia."  The  initials 
C.  P.  L.  P.  meant  "Constant  pour  la  Patrie,"  and 
the  pamphlet  was  printed  in  Utrecht. 

In  thirty-two  pages  van  Goens  describes  the 
comphcated  history  of  the  "Seven  Villages"  (the 


THE  PATRIOTS  317 

seven  provinces)  which  belong  to  one  "Lord"  (the 
Stadholder).  One  of  the  villages  (Amsterdam)  was 
almost  as  important  as  all  the  others  together,  and 
was  therefore  feared  and  respected  by  the  other  six. 
Gradually  the  inhabitants  of  this  big  village  grew 
insupportably  arrogant,  and  at  the  same  time  so 
careless  that  more  than  once  they  almost  set  their 
own  village  and  the  other  six  on  fire. 

The  "Lord"  of  the  combined  seven  was  a  kind- 
hearted  old  soul,  who  lived  in  peace  with  all  his  sub- 
jects except  the  inhabitants  of  the  "Big  Village," 
who  hated  him  as  much  as  they  were  indifferent  to 
the  interests  of  their  people  in  the  other  villages. 
Unable  to  counteract  this  hatred,  the  "Lord"  at 
least  tried  to  defend  his  other  subjects  against  the 
haughtiness  of  their  neighbors  in  the  "Big  Village." 

Now,  as  he  felt  certain  that  some  day  or  other  the 
"Big  Village"  by  its  thoughtlessness  would  start  a 
conflagration  among  all  his  possessions,  the  "Lord" 
advised  the  buying  of  a  good  fire  engine  (the  fleet). 
But  the  inhabitants  of  the  "Big  Village"  thought 
this  was  absolutely  unnecessary.  In  case  of  fire, 
they  said,  they  themselves  would  see  to  it  that 
nothing  happened.  They  needed  no  fire  engines. 
In  this  way  nothing  was  done,  and  as  the  "Lord" 
did  not  have  the  power  to  enforce  his  will,  no  fire 
engine  was  bought.  Of  course,  in  the  end  a  fire 
did  occur.  The  inhabitants  of  the  "Big  Village" 
were  very  proud  of  their  great  services  towards  the 
community.    They  often  pointed  with  pride  to  the 


318    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

many  times  when  they  had  enabled  fellow  members 
to  do  a  good  piece  of  business.  But  they  forgot  to 
mention  that  upon  such  occasions  they  themselves 
had  always  made  the  greatest  profits.  For  example, 
when  their  baker  found  that  he  had  too  large  a 
store  of  flour  he  would  give  a  great  feast.  All  the 
people  of  the  community  would  come  and  eat  cakes, 
but  in  the  end  they  had  to  pay  for  those  cakes  — 
the  baker  was  rid  of  his  superfluous  flour  and  he  had 
made  a  neat  little  profit  into  the  bargain.  In  the 
same  way  one  day  an  oil  dealer  found  that  he  pos- 
sessed more  barrels  of  oil  than  he  knew  what  to  do 
with  and  planned  to  treat  all  the  people  with 
doughnuts,  fried  in  oil.  It  was  to  be  a  great  feast, 
and  everybody  was  to  be  happy  (this  has  reference 
to  the  benefits  which  were  to  accrue  from  the  secret 
American  treaty). 

Then  the  unexpected  thing  happened.  The  oil 
caught  fire  (it  was  rapeseed  oil),  and  before  the 
inhabitants  of  the  "Big  Village**  knew  what  had 
happened,  one  half  of  their  village  had  burned  down. 
The  old  fire  engines,  which  they  had  neglected  for 
years,  failed  to  work,  and  the  fields  of  the  other 
villages  caught  fire,  too. 

The  "Lord**  of  the  villages  came  and  wanted  to 
know  what  had  happened.  But  the  guilty  parties 
excused  themselves  by  saying  that  they  had  only 
tried  to  arrange  a  little  celebration  for  the  benefit 
of  all  the  subjects  of  His  Lordship.  Then,  quite 
accidentally,  a  fire  had  broken  out,  and  it  was  found 


THE  PATRIOTS  319 

that  there  was  no  efficient  extinguishing  material 
to  stop  the  conflagration.  "Who,"  so  the  people 
of  the  "Big  Village"  asked,  "was  responsible  for 
the  fire-fighting  apparatus?  Who  else  but  His  Lord- 
ship?" "And  would  he  please  tell  them  why  he 
had  neglected  the  fire  department  for  so  many 

Of  course  in  the  end  nobody  would  listen  to  the 
"Lord,"  who  could  deliver  positive  proof  that  he 
himself  was  the  one  person  who  had  always  agi- 
tated for  the  institution  of  a  better  fire  depart- 
ment, and  everybody  blamed  the  Master  for  his 
carelessness,  while  they  were  deeply  grateful  to  the 
kind  people  of  the  "Big  Village,"  who  were  now 
reaping  such  ingratitude  for  their  efforts  to  give 
the  whole  of  the  community  a  "good  time." 

Van  Goen's  witticism  was  immediately  imitated 
by  a  number  of  penny-a-liners.^^  His  "Seven  Vil- 
lages "  served  as  a  pattern  for  a  number  of  allegories 
of  a  similar  nature.  His  own  pamphlet  was  ridiculed 
in  many  ways  and  translated  into  miserable  poetry. 
Soon  the  rabble  in  the  street  sang  his  story  to  the 
music  of  popular  airs.  And  still  there  came  no 
one  to  support  him,  and  the  Stadholder,  the  kind- 
hearted  "  Lord  "  of  the  many  villages,  paid  no  atten- 
tion to  the  embittered  individual  who  was  fighting 
his  fight  for  him. 

On  the  contrary,  van  Goens  began  to  be  attacked 
in  caricature  as  well  as  in  pamphlet.  The  art  of  the 
political  cartoon  had  been  highly  developed  in  the 


320    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Republic  at  an  early  date,  and  no  event  of  import- 
ance took  place  in  the  eighteenth  century  of  which 
we  do  not  possess  some  cartoons  often  from  the 
hands  of  the  very  best  draughtsmen.  Like  every- 
thing else  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  cartooning 
is  of  a  vastly  inferior  sort.  Every  vestige  of  art 
seems  absent  from  the  pictures,  and  they  appear  to 
the  twentieth-century  student  just  mere  vulgarities 
and  indecencies. 

Having  by  this  time  successfully  established  him- 
self as  the  most  hated  individual  in  the  Repub- 
lic, van  Goens  decided  to  go  one  step  further.  In 
August  of  the  year  1781  he  started  a  newspaper. 
No  one  in  the  Republic  had  as  yet  dared  to  start  an 
Orangist  paper.  The  enterprise  in  this  line  of  work 
had  all  been  on  the  side  of  the  Opposition.  Van 
Goens  managed  to  get  together  the  small  capital 
necessary  to  start  his  undertaking  and  began  print- 
ing the  "Old-Fashioned  Dutch  Patriot."  Among 
its  many  contemporaries  it  was  the  only  paper  with 
some  literary  merit.  But,  alas !  —  nobody  wanted 
to  read  it. 

While  one  of  the  worst  Patriotic  papers,  the 
"Post  of  the  Lower  Rhine,"  within  a  very  short 
time  brought  its  list  of  subscribers  up  to  more  than 
twenty-four  thousand,  van  Goens  had  to  content 
himself  with  only  seven  hundred  subscribers,  and 
did  not  make  enough  to  pay  for  the  paper  and  the 
printing. 
^  And  no  wonder.    For  van  Goens  not  only  at- 


THE  PATRIOTS  321 

tacked  Amsterdam,  but  also  made  bitter  warfare 
upon  the  "  stupid  masses  who  are  incapable  of  any 
ideas  about  government,  whose  opinions  on  polit- 
ical matters  are  only  ridiculous,  and  who  should 
be  content  to  leave  the  business  of  government  to 
those  who  for  uncountable  centuries  have  occupied 
themselves  with  that  diflScult  task."  These  were 
not  exactly  sentiments  which  made  a  man  a  popular 
hero  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

After  a  few  months,  van  Goens,  whose  temper 
had  not  improved  under  his  many  tribulations,  got 
into  a  quarrel  with  his  associate  editor  and  the 
paper  was  suspended.  The  news  of  its  decease  was 
received  with  great  joy.  Mock  funerals  were  ar- 
ranged, and  the  population  was  invited  to  attend 
the  solemn  obsequies  which  were  to  take  place  at 
the  nearest  dog-cemetery. 

These  explosions  of  highly  vulgar  wit  incensed 
the  professor  to  such  an  extent  that  he  actually 
recommenced  publishing  his  paper.  But  all  his 
trouble  was  of  no  avail.  Gradually  he  lost  even  his 
last  subscribers,  and  after  a  year  the  "  Old-Fashioned 
Dutch  Patriot"  definitely  ceased  to  appear. 

And  here  we  say  farewell  to  its  publisher.  With- 
out the  encouragement  of  the  Stadholder,  who  did 
not  dare  to  support  him  openly,  and  deserted  by  the 
members  of  his  own  class,  who  resented  his  attack 
upon  their  fellow  Regents  in  Amsterdam,  a  subject 
of  ridicule  to  the  boys  in  the  gutter,  van  Goens 
could  not  maintain  himself  even  in  his  own  city. 


322    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

At  the  age  of  thirty-six  he  left  his  native  country 
and  as  a  voluntary  exile  went  to  live  in  Switzerland. 
Only  from  the  English  government  did  van  Goens 
receive  some  recognition  of  his  services.  England 
proposed  to  make  him  her  representative  with  the 
Swiss  cantons.  Van  Goens,  therefore,  asked  the 
Stadholder  to  release  him  from  the  oath  of  fidelity 
which  he  had  sworn  when  he  entered  the  Utrecht 
government.  The  Stadholder,  however,  did  not 
answer  this  letter  until  it  was  so  late  that  van  Goens 
had  lost  all  chance  of  receiving  the  position.  His 
Highness  afterwards  regretted  that  he  had  not  been 
able  to  answer  sooner,  but  Mr.  van  Goens's  letter 
had  been  "accidentally  mislaid."  In  1810,  van 
Goens  died  in  Wernigerode,  where  he  had  gone  to 
live  as  the  pensioner  of  Prince  Christian  Frederic  of 
Stolberg- Wernigerode. 

The  autumn  of  1781  was  the  most  disastrous 
time  of  the  war  with  England.  There  was  a  com- 
plete stagnation  in  business,  taxes  were  high,  and 
money  was  scarce.  Everybody  was  as  gloomy  as 
the  clouded  skies  which  hung  above  them.  No 
progress  was  being  made  with  the  equipment  of  the 
fleet.  The  general  opinion  prevailed  that  the  Prince 
was  purposely  delaying  matters  because  he  was  still 
opposed  to  the  policy  which  had  driven  his  country 
into  war  with  the  friendly  court  of  St.  James. 

Just  in  the  middle  of  this  period  of  despondency, 
on  the  night  of  the  25th  of  September,  a  little 
pamphlet  was  spread  through  the  streets  of  the 


THE   PATRIOTS  323 

most  important  cities  of  the  Republic  which  in  its 
violence  and  passion  surpassed  everything  that  had 
so  far  appeared.  ^^  It  was  a  little  booklet  of  seventy- 
six  pages,  and  was  addressed  *'To  the  People  of  the 
Netherlands."  It  was  dated  "Ostend,  3d  Septem- 
ber, 1781."  The  names  of  the  author  and  the  pub- 
lisher were  unknown,  and  remained  a  secret  for 
more  than  a  century. 

This  pamphlet  soon  achieved  a  fame  out  of  all 
proportion  to  its  real  merits.  At  last  somebody  had 
put  into  print  what  very  many  people  vaguely  felt  to 
be  the  truth  without  being  able  to  give  a  precise  ex- 
pression to  their  feelings.  The  author,  whoever  he 
was,  fully  expected  to  be  prosecuted  for  his  work. 
At  least,  so  he  said  in  his  preface,  in  which  he  made 
some  disagreeable  remarks  about  the  "high  au- 
thorities who  do  not  like  to  hear  the  truth  about 
themselves."  It  was  soon  proved  that  the  author 
had  been  right  in  his  premonitions. 

The  estates,  however  much  they  disliked  the 
Stadholder,  could  not  possibly  approve  of  anony- 
mous articles  which  some  fine  morning  might  be 
found  on  their  own  doorsteps,  and  which  might  be 
directed  against  themselves.  They  therefore  de- 
cided to  try  to  put  a  stop  to  the  zeal  of  the  pam- 
phleteers by  offering  an  enormous  reward  for  the 
discovery  of  the  culprit.  The  estates  of  one  province 
after  the  other  offered  hundreds  of  ducats  for  in- 
formation leading  to  the  arrest  and  conviction  of 
the  author  or  publisher.    Even  the  slow-moving 


324    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Estates  General  took  an  interest  in  the  matter,  and 
offered  a  thousand  ducats  for  the  discovery  of  the 
guilty  parties.  As  they  supposed  that  the  booklet 
had  been  the  work  of  a  number  of  people,  they 
offered  full  indemnity  to  any  one  of  them  who 
would  betray  his  fellow  conspirators.  No  less  a 
punishment  than  exile  for  life  and  a  fine  of  six  thou- 
sand ducats  was  to  be  inflicted  upon  the  authors. 
Those  who  offered  the  pamphlet  for  sale  ran  the  risk 
of  a  similar  punishment.  After  a  few  weeks  the 
mere  possession  of  the  pamphlet  became  a  high 
offense.  Nevertheless  it  was  read  in  every  home, 
and  the  copies  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  exe- 
cutioner (to  be  burned  solemnly  by  him)  were  very 
few. 

All  these  draconic  laws  issued  against  this  poor 
sheet  of  paper  served  as  such  excellent  advertise- 
ment that  the  pamphlet  was  at  once  translated  into 
a  number  of  foreign  languages  and  appeared  alto- 
gether in  seven  editions. 

No  one  less  than  Mirabeau  was  mentioned  as  its 
author.  The  real  author,  however,  was  far  less 
famous.  It  was  our  old  friend  van  der  Capellen.  He 
had  been  ably  assisted  by  several  people,  one  of 
whom  was  soon  to  achieve  remarkable  notoriety. 
This  was  the  Rev.  Francis  Adrian  van  der  Kemp,  a 
typical  product  of  this  extraordinary  time.^^  He 
belonged  to  an  old  family  of  clergymen  and  was 
born  in  Kampen,  one  of  the  strongholds  of  Dutch 
orthodoxy.   At  the  age  of  eighteen  he  was  sent  to 


THE  PATRIOTS  325 

the  University  of  Groningen,  a  strong  Calvinistic 
centre.  Here  for  the  first  time  he  left  the  narrow 
path  of  orthodox  righteousness. 

There  happened  to  be  in  Groningen  at  that  time 
a  professor  of  jurisprudence,  called  van  der  Marck, 
who  since  1758  had  been  peacefully  lecturing  on 
his  particular  subject.  In  1771,  among  other  sub- 
jects, he  taught  his  students  about  the  "Jus 
Naturale"  and  held  discourse  on  the  original  and 
general  depravity  of  the  human  race.  His  remarks 
shocked  some  of  the  clergy  of  the  town  of  Gronin- 
gen, and  they  accused  him  of  maintaining  unsound 
doctrines.  They  lodged  an  oflScial  complaint  with 
the  senate  of  the  university.  The  senate  asked  the 
professor  what  he  had  to  say  for  himself.  The  pro- 
fessor defended  his  views  in  two  pamphlets.  The 
clergy  and  the  senate  declared  that  they  were  not 
satisfied  with  his  answer.  Before  anybody  knew  it, 
politics  had  been  dragged  into  the  affair,  and  the 
right  and  wrong  of  the  question  became  a  matter  of 
dispute  for  the  whole  country.  Hofstede,  the  self- 
appointed  Grand  Inquisitor  of  all  unorthodoxy,  the 
same  one  who  afterwards  attacked  van  Goens,  had 
used  all  his  influence  to  induce  the  Stadholder,  who 
was  one  of  the  curators  of  the  university,  to  support 
the  clergy.  This  meant,  of  course,  that  all  the  ene- 
mies of  the  Stadholder  rushed  to  the  succor  of  the 
professor.  The  clergy,  however,  were  victorious. 
With  the  help  of  the  powerful  curator,  they  forced 
van  der  Marck  to  resign.  As  a  reward  for  his  many 


326    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

years  of  faithful  service,  van  der  Marck  was  curtly 
dismissed,  was  forbidden  to  partake  of  the  Holy 
Communion,  and  was  almost  lynched  by  the  pious 
brethren  of  the  congregation,  who  whenever  they 
visited  their  tabernacle  were  violently  incited 
against  this  enemy  of  their  sacred  religion.  In 
order  to  escape  bodily  harm,  the  ex-professor  was 
obliged  to  leave  the  country  and  went  to  live  in 
Germany,  until  in  1795  the  Revolution  occurred, 
and  he  was  recalled  to  his  old  office. 

This  whole  episode  had  taken  place  while  van  der 
Kemp  was  studying  at  the  university,  and  it  had 
disgusted  him  greatly.  Gradually  he  had  drifted 
away  from  the  church  of  his  fathers  and  had  joined 
the  Baptists,  which  of  all  the  Dutch  sects  had  pro- 
duced a  proportionally  very  large  number  of  liberal 
men  who  had  maintained  a  high  degree  of  culture 
among  their  clergy. 

In  1776,  van  der  Kemp  was  appointed  minister 
in  a  small  village  near  Amsterdam.  Soon  his  abili- 
ties were  recognized,  and  he  was  called  to  Leyden, 
where  there  was  a  prosperous  Baptist  congregation. 
Here  he  at  once  threw  himself  into  active  political 
life.  A  few  months  after  he  had  accepted  his  new 
call,  the  pulpit  only  served  him  as  a  suitable  place 
from  which  to  promulgate  his  political  views.  He 
preached  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  violently 
fulminated  against  the  Rehabeam  in  the  Stad- 
holder's  palace  in  the  Hague. 

The  noise  which  he  made  was  so  loud  and  insist- 


THE  PATRIOTS  327 

ent  that  he  drew  upon  himself  the  attention  of 
many  of  the  other  rising  poHtical  hghts,  and  met 
with  the  ordinary  fate  of  being  made  one  of  van  der 
Capellen's  regular  correspondents.  As  he  was  a 
man  of  great  impetuosity  and  loved  adventure, 
van  der  Capellen  had  elected  him  as  the  person  who 
should  do  the  dangerous  work  in  connection  with 
the  publication  of  the  famous  pamphlet,  "To  the 
People  of  the  Netherlands,"  and  he  was  chosen  to 
distribute  it.  The  pamphlet  itself,  in  the  customary 
superficial  way  of  that  day,  gave  a  general  account 
of  Dutch  history  from  the  earliest  times,  with 
special  reference  to  the  role  played  by  the  Princes 
of  Orange.  Van  der  Capellen  began  his  history  at 
the  beginning  of  things,  and  laid  the  foundations 
for  his  country's  history  among  the  old  Batavians 
(of  whom  at  that  time  very  little  was  known  with 
any  exactness).  Oh,  glorious  Batavians,  who  lived 
like  free  men  in  a  natural  way  and  governed  them- 
selves by  the  will  of  all  the  people  convened  in  popu- 
lar assembly !  In  this  assembly  each  man  appeared, 
as  behooved  his  sovereign  and  independent  condi- 
tion, "fully  armed."  Would  their  descendants,  the 
Patriots,  kindly  take  notice  of  this  fact  ? 

Then,  by  way  of  Charlemagne,  under  whom  the 
people  still  maintained  part  of  their  old  rights 
through  their  guilds  and  their  militia,  the  author 
brings  us  to  the  time  of  Charles  V.  Under  his  son 
the  real  misery  began.  Son  Philip  tried  to  destroy 
the  last  vestige  of  the  people's  liberty  by  his  Inqui- 


328    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

sition,  and  in  this  way  started  a  revolution.  In  this 
revolution  the  people  received  notable  services  from 
a  certain  German  prince,  William,  Count  of  Nassau, 
who,  however,  did  not  help  them  from  purely  dis- 
interested motives,  but  because  by  so  doing  he  could 
obtain  for  himself  and  his  house  a  good  position  as 
Count  of  Holland.  Pure  chance  prevented  this  plan 
from  being  carried  out,  for  William  was  murdered. 
His  successor  as  pretender  to  this  high  oflSce,  Prince 
Maurice,  was  a  terrible  tyrant.  The  country  is  near 
perdition,  when  it  is  saved  by  Oldenbarneveldt.  In 
return  for  his  services  Oldenbarneveldt  is  decap- 
itated. A  gratuitous  slap  at  English  perfidy  follows, 
based  upon  the  unfortunate  experiences  of  the  epi- 
sode with  Leicester. 

Next  comes  Frederic  Henry,  despot  and  tyrant, 
who  succeeds  by  his  intrigues  in  robbing  his  cousin 
William  Frederic  of  the  stadholdership  of  Gro- 
ningen  and  Drenthe.  Driven  by  ambition,  he  mar- 
ries his  son  to  the  daughter  of  the  King  of  Eng- 
land. This  son,  William  II,  who,  it  is  quite  true,  had 
a  short  but  most  turbulent  career,  is  the  bugaboo  of 
the  author.  Only  the  interference  of  Divine  Pro- 
vidence saved  the  country  from  this  monster  before 
worse  harm  had  been  done.  At  this  point,  a  propos 
of  Mr.  Oliver  Cromwell,  is  made  a  little  digression 
into  the  dangers  which  threaten  a  country  through 
the  presence  of  hired  mercenary  troops.  *'  Have  a 
care,"  so  the  author  sounds  his  note  of  warning, 
"that   the   command   over  your   troops   remain 


THE  PATRIOTS  329 

within  your  own  hands.  The  country,  the  whole 
community,  belongs  to  the  whole  people  and  not  to 
a  single  prince  and  his  few  partisans." 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  author's  conception 
of  the  theory  of  government.  According  to  him,  a 
state  is  a  stock  company,  in  no  way  different  from 
some  East  India  Trading  Company.  In  their  own 
interest  the  stockholders  have  appointed  a  pre- 
sident and  a  board  of  directors.  All  these  oflScials, 
however,  are  there  solely  for  the  benefit  of  the 
stockholders,  and  not  vice  versa. 

After  William  II,  we  come  to  the  time  of  de  Witt, 
and  read  an  apotheosis  of  the  time  of  this  great 
statesman.  Intrigues  of  the  House  of  Orange  and 
discontent  of  the  people  because  the  Regents  have 
become  too  powerful  bring  about,  the  appointment 
of  WiUiam  III. 

With  France,  which  had  been  our  best  friend  and 
had  helped  us  in  our  struggle  for  independence,  and 
had  been  betrayed  by  us  when  in  1648  we  concluded 
a  separate  peace  with  Spain,  —  with  this  good  and 
noble  France,  the  Republic  now  begins  a  war.  The 
history  of  the  war  is  reviewed,  and  people  are  re- 
minded how  when  the  war  was  over  the  govern- 
ment in  the  provinces  which  the  French  had  just 
evacuated  was  usurped  by  William  III.  When  this 
Prince  died,  the  country  was  in  the  greatest  misery. 

Here  we  have  a  short  intermission  while  our 
attention  is  directed  towards  the  country  across 
the  Atlantic.    Only  in  the  independent  thirteen 


330    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

states  of  the  United  States  and  in  a  few  cantons 
of  Switzerland  can  real  virtue  flourish.  In  those 
countries  each  member  of  the  community  who 
wishes  to  occupy  a  high  office  can  do  so  only  upon 
the  condition  that  he  will  first  gain  the  good  will  of 
his  neighbors  and  his  fellow  citizens  by  his  contin- 
ued kindness  and  his  thoughtfulness,  and  after  he 
has  shown  by  his  acts  that  he  desires  to  increase  the 
prosperity  of  the  country  and  defend  its  liberty.  In 
the  Dutch  Republic,  however,  things  are  done  along 
very  different  lines.  In  order  to  get  ahead,  you 
must  first  of  all  curry  favor  with  the  Stadholder, 
and  when  by  flattering  this  official  you  have  made 
yourself  agreeable  to  him,  you  can  be  sure  of  a 
splendid  career. 

The  historical  review  is  resumed  with  a  short  ac- 
count of  the  reign  of  William  IV.  Among  the  many 
complaints  which  the  author  makes  against  this 
prince,  he  gives  prominence  to  the  statement  that 
William  suppressed  the  customary  poaching  on  his 
private  grounds  in  order  to  prevent  people  from 
becoming  acquainted  with  the  use  of  firearms.  The 
widow  of  William  IV  was  an  English  princess,  and 
that  fact  suffices  to  prove  to  us  that  she  was  at 
heart  an  enemy  of  her  adopted  country. 

When  it  finally  pleased  the  Lord  to  deliver  the 
country  from  this  Jezebel,  the  Republic  falls  into  the 
hands  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  who  was  hired  to 
look  after  the  interests  of  the  House  of  Orange, 
but  not  after  those  of  the  country  as  a  whole.  The 


THE  PATRIOTS  331 

whole  sad  period  of  William's  years  of  government 
is  then  reviewed.  The  episode  in  which  the  Baron 
van  der  Capellen  acted  as  the  upholder  of  human 
rights  and  distinguished  himself  defending  the 
cause  of  the  Americans  is  given  due  prominence. 

Finally,  the  pamphlet  ends  with  a  general  apo- 
theosis, in  which  William  V  is  invited  to  appear 
before  the  throne  of  God  and  there  defend  himself 
against  a  series  of  accusations  which  alone  occupy 
six  whole  pages.  After  which  the  scenery  is  once 
more  removed  from  heaven  to  earth,  and  the  hon- 
ored public  is  respectfully  but  most  earnestly  in- 
vited to  arm  itself,  to  elect  from  its  midst  persons 
who,  as  extraordinary  delegates  to  the  Estates,  will 
help  them  to  save  the  country  from  the  terrible 
predicament  in  which  it  finds  itself  solely  through 
the  culpable  negligence  of  the  Stadholder. 

This  booklet,  with  its  mixture  of  fact  and  fancy 
and  its  unreasoning  attack  upon  everything  con- 
nected with  the  House  of  Orange,  unfortunately 
became  a  sort  of  first  primer  of  the  philosophy  of 
government  to  many  people  who  were  trying  to 
understand  the  political  agitation  going  on  around 
them.  Many  derived  their  only  notions  about  a 
system  of  popular  representation  and  about  a  civic 
militia  from  this  crude  little  volume.  It  seems  no 
wonder  that  the  whole  reform  movement  of  that 
day  ended  in  an  awful  bungle,  when  we  consider  in 
what  way  public  opinion  was  enlightened  and  from 
what  sources  the  people  learned  their  first  lessons 


332    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

about  the  new  theories  of  government  which  were 
then  being  discussed  all  over  Europe. 

The  propaganda  for  the  new  doctrines  now  also 
entered  a  field  in  which  it  had  no  business  at  all.  It 
was  dragged  into  the  Church.  The  pulpit  as  a  place 
from  which  to  spread  political  wisdom  has  rarely 
been  a  success.  In  the  Republic,  where  Church  and 
State  were  tied  firmly  together,  the  clergy  from 
time  immemorial  had  used  their  sermons  to  favor 
their  congregations  with  their  opinions  upon  the 
affairs  of  the  day.  The  many  days  of  prayer  or 
thanksgiving  which  were  ordered  upon  all  con- 
ceivable occasions  offered  the  clergy  an  excellent 
chance  either  to  upbraid  or  praise  their  flocks  and 
to  comment  upon  the  daily  affairs  of  the  country. 
In  these  days  of  great  excitement  the  church  be- 
came a  place  where  public  questions  were  vigor- 
ously debated  and  public  sentiment  was  stirred  up 
by  the  very  persons  who  should  have  tried  to  calm 
the  excited  feelings  of  the  souls  within  their  care. 

Van  der  Kemp  made  himself  famous  for  the 
ardor  with  which  he  preached  his  political  convic- 
tions. All  sorts  of  conceivable  texts  served  to  prove 
the  wickedness  of  the  existing  form  of  government. 
The  One  Hundred  and  Ninth  Psalm  was  the  favorite 
hymn.  The  story  in  I  Samuel  viii  of  the  terrible 
time  the  Hebrews  experienced,  when  Jehovah 
granted  their  desire  and  furnished  them  with  a 
king,  was  made  applicable  to  the  Repubhc  and  its 
tyrannical  stadholder. 


THE  PATRIOTS  333 

As  yet  nobody  dared  to  touch  the  fundamental 
truth  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  but  the  congregation 
was  also  admonished  to  supplement  its  pious  med- 
itations by  a  perusal  of  the  works  of  Locke  and 
Hume.  In  this  way  they  would  not  only  become 
better  Christians,  but  they  would  also  learn  to  be 
more  conscious  of  their  rights  and  would  know  how 
to  defend  them  if  ever  occasion  demanded. 

But  pamphlets  and  sermons  and  coffee-house 
debates  did  not  satisfy  the  desire  of  the  people  to 
discuss  the  affairs  of  the  day.  They  demanded 
more  immediate  information,  and  got  it  in  a  series 
of  newspapers,  which  Hke  the  proverbial  mush- 
rooms sprang  from  the  soil  in  one  night  and  dis- 
appeared in  another.  The  general  disorganization 
caused  by  the  v/ar  had  brought  about  a  weakening 
in  the  strict  supervision  of  the  press.  In  times  of 
peace  their  Lordships  who  resided  at  the  town  hall 
kept  strict  watch  that  no  undesirable  news  item 
should  appear  in  the  few  papers  which  were  being 
printed  within  their  walls.  Exorbitant  fines  and  a 
constant  threat  of  exile  kept  the  editors  and  printers 
within  bounds.  But  now,  when  the  country  was 
blockaded  and  deprived  of  its  ordinary  sources  of 
income,  while  taxes  were  unusually  high  and  were 
being  levied  on  every  necessity  of  life,  now  that  the 
whole  country  was  in  a  turmoil  and  everybody  was 
talking  and  nobody  listening,  it  was  very  diflScult  to 
enforce  the  former  strict  laws  about  the  printing  of 
objectionable  news  items.    Under  these  favorable 


334    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

circumstances  the  newspapers  were  beginning  to 
discuss  the  affairs  of  the  day  in  *' editorials." 

Formerly  the  paper  had  printed  a  miscellane- 
ous collection  of  information,  without  much  order 
and  without  any  commentary.  The  journalist  was 
earnestly  requested  not  to  benefit  his  readers  with 
his  own  personal  opinion.  But  since  everybody  had 
become  interested  in  politics,  the  editor  was  al- 
lowed to  throw  light  upon  some  specially  important 
subject  and  to  guide  the  first  steps  of  his  readers 
upon  the  slippery  road  of  politics. 

In  other  days  the  Dutch  newspapers  had  been 
very  welcome  abroad,  on  account  of  their  excellent 
system  of  news-gathering  and  their  speed  in  hand- 
ling commercial  and  shipping  items,  and  the  new 
invention  of  the  editorial  was  by  no  means  popular 
beyond  the  confines  of  the  Republic.  For  the  ed- 
itors did  not  hesitate  to  express  their  opinions  about 
foreign  potentates  quite  as  freely  as  they  did  about 
the  authorities  at  home.  The  result  was  that  the 
Estates  General  were  frequently  presented  with  a 
number  of  newspaper  clippings,  cut  from  one  of  the 
Patriotic  papers  and  accompanied  by  the  indignant 
complaints  of  some  foreign  ambassador  or  minister, 
who  asked  that  immediate  punishment  be  inflicted 
upon  the  offending  editor. 

;  Punishing  newspapers  has  always  been  an  un- 
grateful task  for  all  governments,  and  the  Estates 
General  hesitated  a  long  time  before  they  took  any 
notice  of  requests,  either  foreign  or  domestic,  that 


THE   PATRIOTS  335 

they  bridle  the  journalistic  zeal  of  some  of  their 
fellow  subjects.  In  1782,  however,  it  came  to  a  dis- 
tinct clash  between  the  Dutch  authorities  and  one 
of  the  papers. 

The  most  widely  circulated  paper  on  the  side  of 
the  Patriots  was  the  "Post  of  the  Lower  Rhine." 
It  had  begun  to  be  published  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war  with  England  and  had  soon  outclassed  all 
its  competitors  in  popularity.  It  was  printed  in 
Utrecht  and  its  editor  was  a  certain  't  Hoen.  At 
one  period  of  his  career  this  young  man  had  been  a 
student,  but  he  had  given  up  the  university  to  fol- 
low the  literary  profession.  He  specialized  on  books 
for  children,  and  in  this  mild  profession  he  achieved 
some  small  fame.  After  a  good  many  adventures  he 
had  at  the  age  of  thirty-six  become  the  editor  of  the 
*'Post  of  the  Lower  Rhine,"  published  by  a  book- 
seller named  Paddenberg. 

Mr.  't  Hoen  had  a  number  of  assistants.  Of  those 
the  best  known  was  a  very  young  man  with  the 
rather  extraordinary  name  of  Quint  Ondaatje.^^ 
He  was  the  son  of  pious  parents  and  the  descend- 
ant of  innumerable  generations  of  ministers  of  the 
Gospel  in  the  Island  of  Ceylon  (then  a  Dutch 
possession) .  His  presence  in  Utrecht  was  explained 
by  the  fact  that  he,  too,  had  been  destined  to  enter 
the  ministry  and  had  been  sent  to  Utrecht  to  study 
theology.  Being  possessed  of  strong  enthusiasm 
for  all  those  things  which  did  not  pertain  to  his 
special  study,  he  had  speedily  drifted  into  politics. 


336    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

and  was  now  enjoying  that  enviable  position  which 
young  men  of  good  family  enjoy  in  our  own  day 
when  they  take  to  the  stump  on  behalf  of  socialism. 

A  little  shouting  would  go  a  great  way  in  those 
days,  and  Ondaatje,  at  an  age  when  most  young 
men  get  stage  fright  if  they  have  to  speak  in  meet- 
ings of  their  local  athletic  clubs,  enjoyed  great  pop- 
ularity as  a  political  orator. 

Besides  this  noisy  youth,  Mr.  't  Hoen  was  helped 
in  his  journalistic  labors  by  a  score  of  very  ponder- 
ous and  dignified  gentlemen  who  were  quite  willing 
to  supply  him  with  information  derogatory  to  the 
character  of  the  Stadholder,  provided  their  names 
should  not  be  used.  These  were  the  Regents  of 
Amsterdam  and  several  other  cities  who  provided 
the  ammunition  with  which  the  "Post  of  the  Lower 
Rhine"  bombarded  His  Highness.  The  smallest 
and  most  futile  question  in  a  village  of  which 
nobody  had  ever  heard  the  name  was  considered 
worthy  of  front-page  notoriety,  provided  the  Prince 
of  Orange  could  be  blamed  for  something  either 
one  way  or  the  other.  The  appointment  of  a  mu- 
nicipal dry  nurse  somewhere  in  the  backwoods  was 
considered  news,  if  that  useful  functionary  should 
happen  to  be  known  as  a  friend  of  the  House  of 
Orange  and  if  her  defeated  rival  for  the  honorable 
position  was  an  adherent  of  the  Patriots. 

The  *'Post  of  the  Lower  Rhine"  had  already  dis- 
covered the  fundamental  truth  that  the  majority 
of  the  public,  even  the  most  respectable  majority. 


THE  PATRIOTS  337 

dearly  loves  to  read  a  scandal,  and  it  was  making 
the  most  of  this  knowledge.  In  a  very  entertaining 
and  gossipy  way  it  dished  up  all  sorts  of  absurd 
stories  about  the  Stadholder,  and  by  so  doing 
pleased  its  patrons  and  increased  its  own  popular- 
ity. This  went  on  gayly  for  about  a  year,  when 
things  became  so  bad  that  the  authorities  at  the 
Hague  considered  it  necessary  to  take  steps  to  put 
an  end  to  the  infamous  sheet.  In  the  spring  of  1782, 
the  Stadholder  sent  a  formal  note  of  protest  to  the 
town  of  Utrecht,  asking  the  very  high  and  very 
noble  members  of  the  council  how  they  could  allow 
within  their  gates  the  publication  of  a  sheet  which 
week  after  week  printed  the  most  infamous  articles 
about  the  Prince,  his  family,  and  his  friends. 

The  very  high  and  very  noble  members  of  the 
council  answered  that  they  were  not  familiar  with 
the  news  printed  in  this  particular  paper,  and  that 
up  to  that  moment  they  had  heard  no  complaints 
about  its  printing  any  stories  which  did  harm  to  the 
true  interests  of  the  country.  They  were  willing, 
however,  to  consider  the  matter,  and  they  asked 
Mr.  Paddenberg  to  pay  them  a  visit  at  the  town 
hall  to  tell  them  all  about  his  paper. 

Mr.' Paddenberg  came,  and  said  that  he  was  not 
aware  of  ever  having  printed  anything  opposed  to 
the  best  interests  of  the  Republic.  He  also  hinted 
that  if  he  were  not  allowed  to  publish  his  paper 
within  the  walls  of  Utrecht,  he  would  pack  up  his 
business  and  would  move  to  another  town,  which 


338    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

would  then  derive  the  profits  which  now  came  to 
Utrecht. 

When  the  Stadholder  was  informed  of  these  pro- 
ceedings, he  was  highly  indignant.  Since  his  energy 
never  backed  up  his  anger,  however,  he  merely  is- 
sued a  statement  saying  that  he  would  not  com- 
mence a  judicial  action  if  the  publisher  promised  to 
leave  him  and  his  family  out  of  further  discussions. 

The  publisher  regretted  that  his  unselfish  devo- 
tion to  the  true  interests  of  his  fatherland  met  with 
so  little  gratitude.  He  calmly  went  on  publishing 
scandalous  stories  about  the  Prince.  The  town 
council,  afraid  of  losing  a  prosperous  printing  estab- 
lishment, supported  their  fellow  citizen. 

The  end  of  the  story  was  that  the  Prince  actu- 
ally ordered  suit  to  be  brought  against  the  offending 
paper,  and  that  the  court,  after  a  formal  investiga- 
tion of  the  charges,  declared  the  pubhsher  and  the 
editor  "not  guilty." 

The  public  loudly  applauded  the  acquittal,  the 
paper  continued  to  be  conducted  as  it  had  been  be- 
fore the  trial,  and  the  relations  between  the  Stad- 
holder and  the  town  of  Utrecht  became  worse  than 
ever.'^^ 

The  thing  which  surprises  us  is  that  the  Prince's 
advisers  ever  allowed  him  to  commence  such  an 
action.  In  case  of  a  sentence,  they  would  receive 
an  odious  reputation  as  opponents  of  the  freedom 
of  the  press.  In  case  of  acquittal,  they  would  look 
ridiculous  and  lose  what  Httle  prestige  they  had  left. 


THE  PATRIOTS  339 

Either  the  Stadholder  should  have  proceeded  in 
such  a  way  that  he  was  sure  of  a  sentence  and  a  fine 
or  he  should  have  left  the  whole  thing  alone.  How 
little  good  these  halfway  measures  did  was  shown 
when  within  a  very  short  time  afterwards  a  num- 
ber of  pamphlets  surpassing  in  vileness  all  that  had 
gone  before  made  their  anonymous  appearance. 
Ere  long  the  murder  of  tyrants  was  preached  as  the 
noblest  of  virtues,  and  the  wish  was  openly  pro- 
nounced that  a  second  Brutus  might  make  an  end 
to  the  career  of  this  enemy  of  hberty.  Neither 
heavy  fines  nor  the  threats  of  the  King  of  Prussia, 
who  disliked  to  see  his  immediate  family  dragged 
through  the  mud,  did  the  slightest  good.^* 
I  It  was  in  this  same  year  that  the  democratic 
wing  of  the  Patriotic  party  gained  what  to  them 
was  a  great  victory.  Their  unofficial  leader  had  had 
for  a  long  time  troubles  of  his  own  in  the  estates 
of  his  province.  There  existed  in  Overysel  a  rem- 
nant of  a  certain  sort  of  feudal  services.  Each  year 
the  tenants  on  the  large  estates  were  obliged  to 
render  to  their  landlords  certain  personal  services. ^^ 
For  a  trifling  sum  the  tenant  could  buy  himself  off, 
and  generally  the  service  was  not  felt  as  a  great 
burden.  Van  der  Capellen,  however,  had  attacked 
the  existence  of  these  "corvees"  with  great  vio- 
lence, and  the  language  he  had  used  upon  this  occa- 
sion, as  well  as  upon  the  occasion  of  his  speech 
against  the  King  of  England,  had  so  thoroughly 
shocked  his  dignified  fellow  members  that  they  had 


340    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

suspended  him  from  attending  further  meetings  of 
the  estates.  He  had  been  trying  ever  since  to  get 
reinstated,  but  the  discovery  of  his  letters  among 
the  papers  of  Laurens  had  again  delayed  his 
chances. 

But  since  the  English  war  had  brought  about  a 
free-for-all  fight  against  the  Stadholder,  the  family 
and  friends  of  van  der  Capellen  had  exerted  them- 
selves to  the  utmost  to  get  the  verdict  of  expulsion 
repealed;  and  not  without  success.  In  November 
of  1782,  the  Baron  was  once  more  admitted  to  the 
meetings  of  the  estates,  and  with  his  popularity 
increased  by  the  halo  of  martyrdom  he  resumed  at 
once  the  r6le  of  friend  of  the  exponents  of  all  sorts 
of  liberty. 

The  Opposition,  under  the  pressure  of  circum- 
stances, had  held  together  well  up  to  that  moment. 
But  already  it  was  becoming  evident  that  these  days 
of  peaceful  cooperation  of  all  the  different  parties 
were  approaching  an  end.  To  make  opposition  is  a 
comparatively  simple  matter.  To  do  constructive 
work  is  infinitely  more  diflficult.  As  an  Opposition 
party,  the  Patriots  were  succeeding  beyond  their 
fondest  expectations.  Only  a  short  attack  had  suf- 
ficed to  show  the  utter  weakness  of  the  Stadholder's 
position. 

The  country  had  been  told  that  the  Prince  was  an 
incapable  fool.  It  had  been  told  this  so  often  that 
it  had  accepted  the  statement  as  Truth  No.  1  of  its 
Revised  Code  of  Ideas.   Now  the  people  turned  to 


THE  PATRIOTS  341 

the  teachers  who  had  been  imparting  this  knowledge 
to  them  and  said,  "Show us  how  you  can  do  things 
better  yourselves." 

This,  however,  was  no  easy  matter,  in  view  of  the 
differences  in  opinion  prevalent  among  the  curious 
bed-fellows,  who,  driven  by  necessity,  were  tempo- 
rarily occupying  the  couch  of  Patriotism. 

In  this  same  year  the  term  of  the  Raadpensionaris 
of  Holland  expired  and  there  was  great  dissimilar- 
ity of  ideas  as  to  whether  or  not  he  should  be  re- 
appointed. The  present  occupant,  old  van  Bleis- 
wyk,  as  we  have  often  had  occasion  to  remark,  was 
an  old  fogy,  a  friend  of  everybody,  but  generally 
used  as  an  instrument  by  the  Patriots.  The  ques- 
tion was  whether  to  retain  him  as  a  sort  of  dummy 
or  to  appoint  a  man  who  openly  and  avowedly  was 
a  member  of  the  Opposition.  The  Pensionaris  of 
Amsterdam,  van  Berckel,  wanted  to  be  appointed. 
But  he  was  considered  to  be  too  impetuous,  and 
France  was  afraid  that  he  would  be  too  independ- 
ent—  more  so  than  old  van  Bleiswyk,  with  whom 
one  could  talk.  There  were  two  other  candidates. 
They  were  van  Zeeberg,  the  Pensionaris  of  the  town 
of  Haarlem,  and  de  Gyselaer,  Pensionaris  of  Dor- 
drecht. Together  with  van  Berckel,  these  three, 
whenever  they  were  together  in  the  Hague  to  at- 
tend the  meetings  of  the  Estates  of  Holland,  met 
regularly  and  formed  the  unofficial  executive  com- 
mittee of  the  Opposition.  They  were,  therefore,  all 
three  conversant  with  the  aims  and  desires  of  the 


342    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Patriots.  But  the  two  last-named  men  did  not  be- 
long by  birth  to  the  exclusive  circles,  and  though 
they  were  useful  on  account  of  their  capacities,  they 
were  not  considered  quite  the  equals  of  those  Re- 
gents who  benefited  by  their  services.  Further- 
more, de  Gyselaer  was  known  to  be  addicted  to 
very  democratic  views  and,  opposition  or  no  oppo- 
sition, the  Regents  did  not  desire  to  further  the 
interests  of  the  left  wing  of  their  party,  which  at  any 
moment  might  prove  itself  more  dangerous  than 
the  Stadholder. 

In  order  to  escape  all  possible  complications, 
everything  was  left  as  before.  Van  Bleiswyk  was 
continued  in  oflSce  and  the  triumvirate  of  stad- 
holders  was  kept  out  of  harm's  way.  For  the  pre- 
sent the  three  pensionarises  were  kept  fully  occu- 
pied. The  fight  against  the  Stadholder  was  once 
more  taken  out  of  the  papers  and  pamphlets  and 
continued  on  practical  grounds. 

The  Stadholder  derived  his  greatest  power  from 
the  right  which  he  enjoyed  in  most  cities  to  make 
the  appointments  for  the  town  council.  He  could 
pack  those  very  influential  bodies  any  way  he 
pleased,  and  not  infrequently  he  used  the  power 
more  for  his  own  benefit  than  for  that  of  the  city 
with  which  he  was  dealing.  The'new  school  of  po- 
litical thought,  however,  began  to  reason  that  since 
the  cities  had  once  up>on  a  time  given  the  Stadholder 
this  right  of  their  own  free  will,  they  were  also  en- 
titled to  deprive  him  of  it  whenever  they  pleased. 


THE  PATRIOTS  S48 

Friesland,  which  had  always  done  everything 
just  a  little  bit  differently  from  everybody  else, 
informed  the  Prince  that  it  considered  the  right  of 
appointment  to  have  reverted  to  the  Regents.  The 
cities  of  Rotterdam,  Dordrecht,  and  Schoonhoven 
did  the  same  in  HoUand.  In  this  measure  the  demo- 
crats supported  the  Regents.  It  was  to  their  inter- 
est that  the  municipal  appointments  should  be 
decided  right  at  home,  where  through  a  threat  of 
violence  they  could  exercise  some  influence,  rather 
than  by  the  Stadholder,  many  miles  away.  Gradu- 
ally most  of  the  cities  followed  suit,  and  made  pre- 
parations to  declare  themselves  more  completely 
autonomous. 

Now  the  Stadholder  might  have  done  either  one 
of  two  things.  He  might  have  said,  "  I  make  you  a 
present  of  it.  Take  it  and  be  happy."  Or  he  might 
have  said,  "I  will  not  have  it,  and  shall  prevent  it." 
Either  course  would  have  been  dignified,  and  would 
have  settled  the  problem  in  a  definite  way.  But 
instead  of  doing  this,  he  complained  about  the 
infamous  way  in  which  he  was  deprived  of  the 
rights  and  privileges  which  his  ancestors  had  pos- 
sessed, and  there  dropped  the  matter.  Since,  ac- 
cording to  the  Dutch  proverb,  a  scolding  does  not 
hurt,  the  towns  promptly  relegated  His  Highness's 
complaints  to  their  respective  archives  and  con- 
tinued on  their  course.  As  a  result,  the  custom- 
ary chaos  of  the  Republic's  political  life  was  made 
even  worse.   For  many  years  there  was  absolutely 


344    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

no  unity  in  the  matter  of  appointments.  In  some 
cities  the  Stadholder  continued  to  exercise  his 
right.  In  others  the  town  council  made  itself 
completely  autonomous.  In  Holland,  the  estates, 
"pending  the  decision  of  this  serious  question," 
took  it  upon  themselves  to  make  the  appointments 
which  up  to  that  time  had  been  made  by  the  Stad- 
holder, and  exercised  this  right  under  the  very  nose 
of  His  Highness. 

His  rebus  perfectis,  to  use  the  style  of  the  Latin 
chronicler,  the  Opposition  continued  to  the  next 
number  on  their  programme.  The  Stadholder  was 
commander-in-chief  of  the  troops  of  the  Republic. 
As  such  he  could  exercise  great  influence  in  the 
High  Military  Court,  which  was  the  body  to  which 
all  military  cases  were  appealed. ^^  The  Regents, 
with  their  dislike  of  all  military  affairs,  almost 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Republic's  existence,  had 
opposed  this  court,  which  often  interfered  with  the 
civil  courts.  There  had  been  so  many  cases  in 
which  the  decision  of  the  Stadholder  had  been  op- 
posed to  what  seemed  right  and  just  to  the  civil 
courts  that  they  filled  a  number  of  stately  volumes. 
Especially  in  cases  where  trouble  had  arisen  be- 
tween mihtary  and  civil  persons,  all  sorts  of  com- 
plicated questions  had  come  up,  which  had  been 
settled  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  citizens  in- 
volved. 

It  was  said  that  such  great  power  in  the  hand  of 
one  official  might  be  most  detrimental  to  the  safety 


THE   PATRIOTS  345 

of  the  country.  The  argument,  of  course,  was  a 
purely  pohtical  one.  But  as  such  it  was  used  with 
great  adroitness  by  the  Opposition.  Van  Berckel 
had  made  himself  quite  famous  for  his  violent  at- 
tacks upon  the  Stadholder's  power  in  the  military 
jurisdiction.  Dominie  van  der  Kemp  had  collected 
the  thousand-odd  cases  which  we  have  just  men- 
tioned and  had  printed  them  in  volumes  of  convinc- 
ing weight.  The  Estates  of  Holland  now  made  short 
work  of  the  whole  affair  by  forbidding  the  High 
Military  Court  to  hold  sessions  within  the  limits  of 
the  province  and  refusing  to  pay  its  share  of  the 
funds  necessary  to  maintain  the  court.  The  other 
provinces  followed  suit,  and  the  Prince  found  him- 
self deprived  of  this  part  of  his  executive  power 
without  so  much  as  a  word  of  excuse  or  explanation. 

Having  now  suffered  two  humiliations  within  a 
short  time,  it  was  felt  necessary  for  the  Stadholder 
to  do  something  in  return.  Therefore  some  ill- 
advised  partisan  of  His  Highness  hit  upon  the  idea 
of  going  at  once  to  the  plain  people  and  asking 
them  to  pronounce  their  unshakable  confidence  in 
His  Highness. 

Accordingly  an  address  was  gotten  up  by  a  num- 
ber of  citizens  and  soldiers,  "who  with  the  greatest 
horror  had  taken  cognizance  of  the  terrible  calum- 
nies spread  abroad  about  a  man  who  spent  all  his 
strength  upon  the  affairs  of  the  country."  This 
document  was  being  circulated  for  signatures  just 
about  the  time  of  the  feast  of  St.  Nicholas.    The 


346    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

day,  usually  one  of  public  jollifications,  promised  to 
be  exceptionally  gloomy  in  this  year  of  war  and  de- 
pression, when  people  had  neither  money  nor  spir- 
its to  waste  upon  frolic. 

Since  everybody  in  the  Hague  was  more  or  less 
dependent  upon  the  custom  of  the  Stadholder's 
court,  a  large  crop  of  signatures  was  expected. 
But  with  the  clumsiness  which  was  the  hall-mark 
of  everything  the  friends  of  the  Prince  ever  did, 
they  used  three  notorious  town  loafers  to  go  about 
from  house  to  house  to  collect  signatures.  The  lan- 
guage of  the  address  disgusted  a  number  of  people, 
as  being  too  deferential.  They,  therefore,  got  up  an 
address  of  their  own,  differently  worded.  Before 
a  week  had  gone  by,  two  different  parties  were  cir- 
culating two  different  addresses.  They  did  this 
with  so  much  ill-feeling  between  them  that  the  au- 
thorities began  to  fear  an  open  outbreak,  and  fin- 
ally the  mayor  of  the  town,  who  was  at  the  same 
time  commander  of  the  militia,  forbade  the  further 
circulation  of  the  documents. 

Unfortunately  this  order  was  given  on  the  day 
of  St.  Nicholas.  "^^  The  town  was  full  of  people  from 
the  neighboring  villages.  Everybody  was  out, 
looking  at  the  special  displays  in  the  windows  of 
the  shops  and  the  booths  which  had  been  put  up 
in  the  principal  streets.  It  was  customary  for  the 
Stadholder  to  go  out  on  the  afternoon  of  this  day 
and  buy  the  presents  for  his  household,  and  it  was 
customary  for  the  lower  classes  to  become  intox- 


THE  PATRIOTS  847 

icated.  A  most  unfortunate  moment  for  the  mayor 
to  promulgate  an  edict  which  could  not  be  con- 
strued in  any  other  light  but  that  of  an  insult 
to  His  Highness,  the  Prince  of  Orange.  Nothing, 
however,  happened  that  day.  The  crowd  did  get 
slightly  hilarious,  did  repair  to  the  palace  of  the 
Stadholder,  and  did  cheer  His  Highness  and  His 
Highness's  family.  Part  of  them  also  repaired  to 
the  house  of  the  Raadpensionaris  and  hooted  him. 
But  to  the  astonishment  of  all,  nothing  whatsoever 
happened  that  could  be  called  disorderly. 

Notwithstanding  this,  the  Patriotic  party  made 
a  great  commotion  about  the  happenings  on  St. 
Nicholas's  night.  They  accused  the  Orangists  of 
having  incited  the  mob  to  riot,  of  having  committed 
gross  acts  of  provocation  in  the  hope  of  being  al- 
lowed to  massacre  all  Patriots,  and  so  on,  and  so  on. 
It  was  midwinter,  and  the  Estates  of  Holland  had 
gone  home.  Only  van  Berckel  and  de  Gyselaer 
happened  to  be  in  the  Hague.  Without  losing  a 
moment's  time  they  convoked  the  estates,  and  with 
unheard-of  speed  Their  Mightinesses  returned  to 
the  Hague  to  deliberate  upon  the  grave  danger 
which  they  had  just  escaped  by  such  a  narrow 
margin. 

As  a  result  of  their  deliberations  they  accused  the 
Stadholder  of  not  having  taken  sufficient  steps  to 
quell  the  disturbances.  The  poor  Stadholder  went 
personally  to  the  meeting  of  the  estates,  and  as- 
sured the  gentlemen  that  there  had  been  no  dis- 


348    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

turbance  at  all;  that  there  had  been  nothing  more 
than  the  ordinary  St.  Nicholas  celebrations,  and  that 
there  was  no  reason  to  punish  any  person. 

A  special  commission  appointed  by  the  estates 
to  investigate  the  matter  failed  to  find  basis  for  any 
proceedings.  The  story,  however,  had  done  its 
share  to  confuse  the  mind  of  the  public.  Vague 
rumors  of  an  intended  St.  Bartholomew  of  all  the 
Patriots,  of  the  departure  of  the  estates  from  the 
Hague  to  Haarlem,  and  of  the  suspension  of  the 
Prince  as  commander  of  the  former  city  kept  peo- 
ple guessing  about  the  truth  of  the  matter. 

From  that  time  on,  the  leaders  of  the  Opposition 
began  to  behave  as  if  the  Stadholder  no  longer  re- 
sided in  their  midst.  When  New  Year's  Day  came 
—  a  day  rather  notorious  for  the  hilarity  caused  by 
the  amount  of  liquor  spent  in  drinking  people's 
health  —  a  great  ado  was  made  about  a  possible  re- 
currence of  the  "riot"  of  St.  Nicholas's  Day.  Extra 
patrols  were  kept  on  duty  all  day  long,  but  not- 
withstanding a  great  deal  of  provocation  from  the 
Patriots  nothing  happened. 

That  winter  was  as  unhappy  a  winter  as  ever 
visited  Holland.  Business  was  at  a  standstill. 
Ships  could  neither  enter  nor  leave  port.  Age-old 
industries,  the  mainstay  and  pride  of  many  small 
cities,  disappeared  altogether,  never  to  be  revived. 

To  make  matters  worse,  the  grip  made  its  epi- 
demic entrance  into  the  Republic.  It  was  far  more 
deadly  then  than  now.    In  Amsterdam  twice  as 


THE   PATRIOTS  349 

many  people  died  that  winter  as  ordinarily.  The 
fleet  in  Texel  was  condemned  to  complete  inactiv- 
ity because  half  of  the  officers  and  men  were  sick. 
Even  van  der  Capellen  had  to  stop  writing  letters 
for  a  while,  mitil  this  new  invention  of  the  doctors 
(as  he  kindly  called  it)  should  have  left  his  aching 
bones.  Under  these  depressing  circumstances,  in 
this  veritable  Black  Year,  the  people  were  willing  to 
believe  anything,  to  go  to  any  extreme,  to  give  vent 
to  their  pent-up  feelings  of  discontent  and  despair. 
If  only  at  this  critical  moment,  there  had  been  a 
man  willing  and  able  to  incite  the  Stadholder  to  do 
something  "positive,"  all  might  not  have  been  lost. 
There  were  many  people,  indeed  a  majority,  who 
still  felt  scant  sympathy  for  the  extreme  Patriots. 
Though  willing  to  acknowledge  that  the  present 
state  of  the  Republic  was  an  abnormality,  that 
improvements  were  most  urgently  necessary,  they 
feared  to  trust  the  work  of  demolishing  and  rebuild- 
ing to  a  party  which  subjected  itself  to  such  con- 
tinual and  severe  criticism,  which  showed  no  ca- 
pacity whatsoever  for  constructive  statesmanship. 
We  know  very  well  that  all  such  historical  conjec- 
tures as  these  are  quite  futile.  Even  a  first-rate  man 
might  have  succumbed  to  the  difficulties  which 
centuries  of  misgovernment  had  accumulated. 
Perhaps  a  radical  doctor  of  the  kind  of  Mr.  Bona- 
parte was  the  only  person  who  could  change  the 
existing  order  of  things  by  first  doing  away  with  the 
old  ruins. 


350    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

But  nothing  is  so  exasperating  as  this  whole 
period  of  halfway  measures,  this  stupid  and  apolo- 
getic floundering  around  when  action  was  the  only 
possible  salvation.  It  is  all  very  well  to  drop  a  senti- 
mental tear  about  the  kindness  of  heart  of  Good 
William,  who  would  not  spill  a  drop  of  the  blood  of 
even  one  of  his  subjects;  but  a  little  strength  at  that 
moment  might  have  saved  all  the  many  thousand 
drops  that  had  to  be  wasted  afterwards,  before  a  de- 
cision was  finally  reached.  In  his  habit  of  indecision 
and  wavering  at  critical  moments,  William  V  was 
fully  the  equal  of  Louis  XVI. 

Take,  for  example,  the  affair  which  in  1783  oc- 
curred in  Rotterdam.  In  Rotterdam  the  condition 
was  very  much  like  that  in  all  the  principal  cities  of 
the  Republic.  On  top,  the  Regents,  who,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  of  the  prominent  families,  were 
all  Patriotic;  in  the  middle,  the  vast  layer  of  rich 
non-Regent  families,  lawyers,  doctors,  smaller  mer- 
chants, who  were  members  of  the  democratic  wing 
of  the  Patriotic  party;  at  the  bottom,  the  crowd, 
the  thousands  of  laborers  on  the  docks  and  in  the 
harbors,  the  small  shopkeepers,  artisans,  and  sailors, 
who  were  ardent  supporters  of  the  Stadholder. 

The  higher  layers  of  the  community  lived  a  life 
of  comfortable  ease.  The  lowest  led  a  very  precari- 
ous existence,  a  dreary  workaday  life  with  few  en- 
joyments, and  those  of  the  very  coarsest  sort.  A  few 
times  a  year,  whenever  there  was  a  celebration  in 
connection  with  some  event  in  the  family  of  the 


THE    PRINCESS   WILHELMINA 
After  a  bust  by  M.  A.  Falconnet 


THE  PATRIOTS  351 

Prince  of  Orange,  the  crowd  would  make  a  holiday 
and  forget  their  daily  cares  in  wild  and  disorderly 
carousals. 

Rotterdam,  which  of  all  the  Dutch  cities  was 
most  directly  interested  in  the  English  trade,  suf- 
fered terribly  through  the  war.  The  lowest  classes, 
embittered  by  their  hard  fate  during  those  days 
of  misery,  were  in  a  very  ugly  temper.  From  the 
Hague  came  rumors  of  the  continual  new  insults 
which  the  Stadholder  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the 
Patriots.  The  fact  that  their  own  city  government 
had  a  hand  in  these  doings  made  the  feeling  against 
the  local  Regents  and  their  allies,  the  democrats, 
very  bitter.  As  a  sort  of  counter-demonstration, 
the  people  decided  to  celebrate  the  birthday  of  the 
Prince  with  extraordinary  brilliancy. ^^ 

It  was  an  old  custom  for  the  inhabitants  of  the 
poor  quarters  to  go  among  the  residential  sections 
to  collect  money  for  their  common  festivities.  It 
was  good  policy  to  keep  the  rabble  in  a  pleasant 
temper  by  a  small  gift  once  in  a  while,  and  every- 
body used  to  give  something.  So  it  was  this  year. 
Long  before  the  8th  of  March  the  collection  was 
begun,  and  the  night  of  the  day  itself  was  passed  in 
the  customary  way.  The  poorer  quarters  were  deco- 
rated with  Orange  flags  and  the  collected  funds  were 
passed  over  into  the  cash-boxes  of  the  barkeepers. 

Nothing  happened.  No  window-panes  were  de- 
molished. Nobody  was  threatened  with  violence. 
There  was  no  rioting  of  any  sort. 


352    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

But  the  local  Patriots  followed  the  example  of 
the  Hague,  and  made  a  great  commotion  about  the 
day's  doings.  They  made  protestations  before  the 
town  council  and  wrote  their  grievances  in  pa- 
pers and  pamphlets.  Their  most  valuable  lives  had 
been  imperiled  and  their  worldly  goods  had  been 
threatened  with  devastation. 

Their  Lordships  of  the  town  hall  showed  no  de- 
sire to  risk  their  own  window-panes  for  the  benefit  of 
their  esteemed  auxiliaries.  They  declared  that  the 
people  had  disported  themselves  as  was  their  good 
old  right,  and  declined  to  take  steps  towards  pun- 
ishing anybody.  Similar  occurrences  happened  in 
many  parts  of  the  country.  Nowhere  was  decisive 
action  taken.  All  the  discussion  resulted  only  in  a 
continuation  of  the  existing  chaotic  conditions. 

It  became  more  and  more  evident  that  to  attain 
results  the  Opposition  must  act  according  to  a  more 
definite  programme.  The  Patriotic  movement  was 
gradually  developing  along  entirely  different  lines, 
not  only  in  each  separate  province,  but  in  almost 
every  city.  In  Holland  the  three  principal  pen- 
sionarises  indicated  the  general  policies  which  the 
other  provinces  could  adhere  to  or  not  as  they  saw 
fit.  Frequently  the  others  refused  to  follow  Hol- 
land's lead,  and  concerted  action  took  place  in  but 
very  few  instances.  Already  the  more  conservative 
elements  among  the  Patriots  were  beginning  to  show 
their  dislike  of  the  methods  practiced  by  the  more 
radical  ones,  and  to  look  for  ways  and  means  by 


THE  PATRIOTS  353 

which  to  be  rid  of  friends  who  threatened  to  prove 
more  dangerous  than  enemies. 

On  the  26th  of  April,  1783,  seventy  Regents  and 
leaders  of  the  Patriots  met  in  Amsterdam  to  cele- 
brate the  success  of  Brother  van  der  Capellen,  who 
had  just  won  his  fight  for  reinstatement  in  the 
Estates  of  Overysel.  It  was  remarked,  however, 
that  the  conservative  members  of  the  Opposition 
preferred  to  stay  away  from  a  place  where  the  de- 
mocratic van  der  Capellen  was  to  be  the  guest  of 
honor.  It  was  the  more  radical  men  of  the  party, 
politicians  of  the  type  of  de  Gyselaer,  who  were 
prominent  upon  this  occasion.  ^^ 

After  this  first  meeting  a  general  convention  of 
Patriots  from  all  over  the  country  was  held  later  in 
the  year,  and  the  differences  of  opinion  were  even 
more  marked.  Though  there  were  more  members 
of  the  nobility  from  Friesland,  Overysel,  and  Gel- 
derland,  there  were  no  leading  Holland  Regents, 
and  mere  plebeians  of  the  sort  of  van  der  Kemp  and 
his  friends  had  a  great  deal  to  say  and  were  listened 
to  with  attention. 

From  words  these  more  thorough-going  members 
moved  gradually  to  deeds.  They  felt  their  helpless 
position.  Beneath  them  was  the  large  mass  of  the 
people,  without  any  understanding  of  the  Patriots' 
philosophical  discussions  or  their  ultimate  aims. 
Above  them  were  the  Regents,  who  supported 
them  because  they  needed  them,  but  who  really 
feared  them  and  disliked  them  most  cordially. 


354    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

Finally  in  the  Hague  lived  the  Stadholder,  who  was 
still  the  head  of  a  loyal  army  (such  as  it  was),  and 
who,  if  he  desired  to  do  so,  might  crush  the  whole 
movement  at  any  moment.  The  Patriots  needed 
some  way  in  which  to  defend  themselves,  and  they 
found  this  in  the  erection  of  a  so-called  Free 
Corps.^o 

As  we  have  seen  before,  the  old-fashioned  town 
militia  had  gradually  lost  all  its  force  and  prestige 
as  a  military  power.  It  had  developed  into  a  dining 
society,  which,  on  rare  occasions,  when  a  fire  broke 
out  or  a  riot  threatened  the  town,  was  called  upon 
to  help  out  the  local  police. 

In  the  Middle  Ages,  however,  these  citizen  sol- 
diers had  done  great  things,  and  with  the  interest 
newly  awakened  by  the  glorious  deeds  of  the  Ameri- 
can farmer  soldiers,  it  was  felt  that  a  rejuvenation 
of  this  old  institution  would  bring  to  the  younger 
generation  some  of  the  old  prowess  of  their  glorious 
ancestors. 

The  Union  of  Utrecht,  that  Magna  Charta  of  the 
Republic,  had  this  in  common  with  similar  docu- 
ments of  other  nations,  that  it  seemed  to  provide 
everybody  with  a  sound  argument  for  his  every 
wish.  It  was,  in  a  measure,  all  things  to  all  men.  It 
contained  a  veritable  mine  of  precedents.  There 
was,  for  example.  Article  VIII,  to  which  nobody 
had  ever  paid  any  attention,  which  stipulated  that 
a  census  be  taken  of  all  men  between  eighteen  and 
sixty  years  of  age.   This  census  had  never  been 


THE  PATRIOTS  355 

taken  except  in  one  province.  The  Republic  had 
found  it  more  profitable  to  have  its  fighting  done 
by  mercenary  troops  than  by  its  unwilling  subjects. 
But  there  the  article  was  in  black  and  white,  and  the 
leaders  of  the  Patriots  now  pointed  to  it  to  support 
their  good  right  of  forming  their  own  so-called  drill- 
ing companies. 

The  country  was  actually  in  danger.  The  Eng- 
lish commanded  the  high  seas,  the  Austrians 
threatened  with  an  invasion  by  land.  What  more 
noble  proof  of  their  devotion  to  the  fatherland  could 
the  young  men  of  the  country  give  than  by  form- 
ing bands  of  volunteers  and  learning  the  arts  of 
war.'* 

The  authorities  were  not  formally  consulted;  the 
members  of  the  Free  Corps  sprang  from  the  soil  like 
revolutionists  in  South  America.  In  some  cities, 
where  the  Patriots  were  all-powerful,  the  local 
militia  was  entirely  changed  into  a  Patriotic  corps 
and  given  officers  who  belonged  exclusively  to  the 
Patriotic  party.  In  other  cities,  where  the  Stad- 
holder  or  the  Regents  still  retained  some  control,  a 
rival  Patriotic  Free  Corps  was  established  next  to 
the  already  existing  town  militia.  In  several  vil- 
lages the  same  thing  was  done.  The  country  dis- 
tricts, as  usual,  took  no  interest  in  the  matter.  The 
farmer  paid  his  taxes  to  support  the  regular  army 
of  the  Estates  General,  and  for  this  money  he 
expected  to  be  protected  against  all  foreign  ene- 
mies. As  for  making  a  fool  of  himself  by  sporting  a 


356    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

silly  uniform  and  a  pop-gun  he  would  rather  be  — 
and  so  on,  and  so  on. 

But  from  the  beginning  of  the  year  1783  until  the 
days  of  the  Restoration  the  whole  country  drilled 
and  marched  and  paraded  with  an  enthusiasm 
hitherto  entirely  unknown.  This  thing  began  in 
Dordrecht,  where  de  Gyselaer  was  the  leading 
spirit.  Since  the  days  of  its  capture  by  Louis  XIV, 
Utrecht  had  always  suffered  under  the  unjust  *' Re- 
gulations" that  gave  the  Stadholder  absolute  power 
over  its  political  machine.  It  followed  suit  and 
changed  its  town  militia  into  a  Patriotic  corps.  So 
did  Rotterdam,  where  many  of  the  better-class 
merchants  took  positions  as  oflficers. 

In  Amsterdam  the  formation  of  the  Free  Corps 
did  not  proceed  so  easily.  There  the  Regents  feared 
the  eventual  consequences  of  allowing  such  a  dan- 
gerous element  in  their  community,  an  element 
which,  though  it  was  now  ostensibly  directed 
against  the  Stadholder,  might  at  any  moment  be 
turned  against  themselves.  But  the  Free  Corps 
movement  was  too  strong  to  be  stopped,  and  in 
1784  the  Amsterdam  street  urchins  had  a  new  insti- 
tution on  which  to  practice  their  versatility  in  the 
throwing  of  invectives,  stones,  and  mud. 

The  fact  that  these  Patriotic  soldiering  com- 
panies did  not  hold  out  for  a  single  week  against  the 
war-worn  veterans  of  Frederick  the  Great  and  were 
sold  out  by  their  German  commander  has  seemed 
sufficient  evidence  of  their  insignificance  to  give 


THE   PATRIOTS  357 

every  cigar-puflBng  critic  the  right  to  criticize  them 
for  their  conceit  and  their  miserable  failm-e. 

But  these  mihtary  corps  brought  quite  a  new  ele- 
ment into  the  somnolent  and  conservative  Dutch 
community,  and  with  all  their  defects  had  certain 
merits.  They  broke  with  all  precedent  when  they 
opened  their  ranks  to  all  denominations.  The  dis- 
senter had  as  much  right  to  enlist  as  the  most  faith- 
ful member  of  the  oflficial  church.  This  in  itself 
meant  quite  a  revolution.  Furthermore,  the  mem- 
bership in  these  corps  gave  many  people  that  which 
they  so  singularly  lacked,  self-respect.  Dutch  so- 
ciety, with  its  eternal  condescension,  its  system 
of  haughty  benevolence,  its  contrast  of  "my  good 
man"  and  "your  Lordship,"  had  hammered  out 
of  most  of  the  common  people  the  last  vestige  of 
independence. 

It  had  been  drummed  into  the  ears  of  so  many 
generations  that  their  "Lordships  of  the  High 
Town  Government"  were  something  different  from 
the  rest  of  the  community,  that  the  rest  of  the  com- 
munity had  begun  to  accept  this  statement  as  part 
of  the  articles  of  the  established  faith. 

By  joining  a  Patriotic  Free  Corps,  however,  the 
little  man  found  himself  gradually  drawn  into  a 
somewhat  different  position  towards  his  betters. 
The  old  militia  had  never  worn  a  regular  uniform. 
An  Orange  sash  fastened  over  the  every-day 
clothes  had  turned  the  citizen  into  the  soldier.  The 
new  army  corps,  however,  was  put  into  a  regular 


358    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

uniform,  and  as  such  it  became  a  more  democratic 
institution.  The  officers  were  elected  by  the  men, 
and  however  harmful  that  system  may  be  to  good 
discipline,  it  gave  the  average  man  his  first  chance 
to  feel  a  direct  responsibility  in  a  large  institution. 

Up  to  that  time  there  had  been  political  clubs 
in  almost  every  city,  but  the  Free  Corps  was  the 
place  where  all  men  of  a  certain  political  conviction 
were  thrown  together.  Like  most  new  institutions 
there  was  a  large  amount  of  exaggeration.  Each 
corps  was  allowed  to  devise  its  own  standard  and 
motto,  and  a  lot  of  nonsense  was  indulged  in  in 
connection  with  this  part  of  the  game  of  soldiery. 

Finally,  the  Free  Corps  was  the  first  step  in  the 
good  direction  of  breaking  up  the  hopeless  pro- 
vincialism of  the  country.  By  arranging  shooting- 
matches  between  the  Free  Corps  of  different  cities, 
many  men,  who  had  never  poked  their  noses  out- 
side of  the  immediate  confines  of  their  own  little 
city,  became  for  the  first  time  in  their  lives  aware  of 
the  fact  that  elsewhere  there  were  people  made  after 
their  own  image.  Gradually,  when  the  movement 
became  better  organized,  manoeuvres  were  held  in 
which  the  Free  Corps  of  different  provinces  took 
part.  The  officers  and  men  had  a  chance  to  see 
something  of  their  neighbors,  and  a  feeling  of  unity 
began  to  replace  the  old  provincialism. 

From  this  time  on  we  know  in  a  general  way 
what  the  centre  and  the  left  side  of  the  Opposition 
party  actually  wanted.   Many  years  later,  when 


THE  PATRIOTS  359 

the  French  Revolution  had  proved  victorious,  it 
became  the  custom  to  represent  this  Patriotic  pro- 
gramme as  an  anticipation  of  the  principles  which 
the  French  Revolution  forced  upon  Europe.  Now 
this  is  in  no  way  the  truth.  The  Hollanders,  who 
made  their  own  revolution  a  dozen  years  before 
the  French,  never  wanted  to  go  as  far  as  did  the 
French.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  very  vio- 
lent extremists,  they  were  quite  moderate  in  their 
demands. 

They  were  opposed  to  the  Stadholder,  but  only 
to  the  Stadholder  in  his  present  condition,  which 
made  him  a  mixture  of  absolute  sovereign  and 
obedient  servant  and  put  him  continually  in  a  most 
anomalous  position. 

The  Dutch  Patriots  seem  to  have  been  inspired 
in  many  things  by  the  American  example.*^  They 
wanted  to  retain  the  Stadholder  as  the  chief  execu- 
tive, much  after  the  pattern  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  The  real  legislative  power,  however, 
should  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Estates  General,  who 
should  still  be  drawn  from  among  the  Regents,  but 
with  a  certain  element  of  influence  from  the  middle 
class.  The  Stadholder  then  should  execute  the  will 
and  desires  of  this  new  Estates  General.  In  this 
way  the  eternal  quarrels  between  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Stadholder  and  the  Estates  General  would  be 
brought  to  a  close. 

In  regard  to  the  army  and  the  navy,  they  should 
no  longer  be  commanded  by  the  Stadholder,  who 


360    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

usually  was  totally  unfit  for  this  work,  but  they 
should  be  commanded  by  professional  soldiers, 
and  the  officers  should  be  appointed  by  the  Estates 
General. 

In  a  like  way  the  Estates  General  should  exercise 
the  right  of  civil  appointments,  and  the  Stadholder 
should  lose  his  power  to  pack  the  town  councils  as 
he  pleased. 

Democratic,  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word,  this 
programme  certainly  was  not.  The  large  mass  of 
the  people  would  have  benefited  but  Httle  by  it.  It 
was,  however,  a  step  in  the  right  direction,  and  if  it 
had  been  carried  out  would  have  made  the  final 
change  from  the  old  to  the  new  system  less  sudden 
and  less  disastrous. 

This  programme  was  never  pubHshed  officially. 
The  party  never  came  forward  with  a  printed 
pamphlet  and  said,  "Fellow  citizens,  read  this,  and 
if  you  agree  with  it,  come  and  join  our  ranks.**  It 
was  a  so-called  secret  programme,  which,  however, 
was  generally  known  and  discussed,  and  shows  us 
fairly  accurately  what  was  the  sentiment  of  those 
who  still  hoped  to  reform  the  commonwealth  before 
it  was  too  late,  and  who  were  neither  too  conserva- 
tive nor  too  radical  to  despair  of  a  gradual  build- 
ing-up on  a  sounder  basis. 

Under  all  the  appearance  of  empty-headedness 
which  we  notice  in  the  speeches  and  the  writings  of 
the  Patriots,  we  are  surprised  to  find  some  sound 
common  sense.  There  were  still  a  number  of  serious 


THE  PATRIOTS  361 

men  in  their  ranks  who  judged  questions  upon  their 
merits  and  not  upon  the  merits  of  the  amount  of 
political  capital  which  they  could  possibly  make 
out  of  them.  The  minutes  of  some  of  the  Patriotic 
meetings  have  come  down  to  us  and  we  know  what 
questions  were  discussed.  Besides  the  questions  of  a 
purely  political  nature,  there  was  a  serious  discus- 
sion of  a  possible  way  of  reorganizing  the  fleet,  the 
country's  finances,  and  the  East  and  West  India 
Companies.  These  companies  had  long  survived 
their  usefulness  as  monopolies,  and  it  was  felt  that 
they  should  eventually  be  taken  over  by  the  coun- 
try at  large. 

The  debates  upon  those  questions,  it  is  true, 
came  to  no  practical  results,  but  we  should  not  for- 
get that  we  have  to  deal  with  people  who  for  the 
most  part  had  been  kept  strictly  outside  of  all 
political  affairs,  who  had  no  knowledge  of  how  to 
deal  with  questions  of  a  public  nature,  and  who  now 
made  their  first  attempt  at  practical  politics. 

They  took  another  step  in  the  right  direction, 
moreover,  when  they  decided  to  bring  these  mat- 
ters before  the  public  at  large.  For  this  purpose 
they  discussed  the  erection  of  a  central  bureau 
which  should  reside  in  the  Hague  and  conduct  a 
campaign  of  publicity.  They  even  considered  an 
undertaking  of  a  more  stupendous  nature,  a  com- 
plete edition  of  all  the  old  laws  and  privileges  of  the 
different  provinces,  in  order  that  the  public  might 
be  better  acquainted  with  the  state  of  affairs  from 


362    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

which  their  own  commonwealth  had  gradually 
developed. 

Alas !  the  conservative  elements  of  the  Opposition 
who  supported  these  reforms  soon  lost  all  control 
of  the  party.  The  men  that  came  to  the  fore  and 
forced  their  opinions  upon  the  whole  Opposition 
were  of  an  entirely  different  calibre. 

The  inexcusable  weakness  shown  by  the  Stad- 
holder  and  his  friends  made  it  inevitable  that  the 
Patriotic  party  should  become  more  and  more 
aggressive.  Caution  was  not  necessary  in  a  fight 
which  appeared  to  be  so  easy.  So  much  had  been 
accomplished  by  mere  noise  and  insolence,  that  it 
was  quite  natural  for  many  to  feel  that  a  little  more 
shouting  and  a  few  more  insults  would  result  in  a 
complete  victory  over  the  Stadholder. 

What  was  to  be  done  next  to  harass  that  forlorn 
prince?  He  had  been  deprived  of  the  immediate 
companionship  of  his  faithful  guardian,  but  was 
not  that  guardian  still  on  Dutch  territory  and  in 
constant  correspondence  with  his  former  pupil? 
Indeed  he  was.  He  lived  only  two  days'  distance 
from  the  Hague,  and  was  kept  well  informed  of 
what  happened  in  the  Residence. 

It  was  decided  that  he  should  be  removed  from 
the  Republic's  territory  entirely,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose any  pretext  would  do  as  well  as  another. 
Therefore  the  triumvirate  of  pensionarises  dug  up 
from  among  the  archives  of  the  Council  of  State 
an  old  matter  that  had  to  do  with  a  certain  report 


THE   PATRIOTS  363 

which,  six  years  before,  had  been  made  about  the 
condition  of  the  Dutch  fortifications  along  the 
frontier.  The  author,  who  had  inspected  these 
neglected  strongholds,  was  General  Dumoulin,  a 
well-known  engineer  who  was  a  personal  enemy  of 
the  Duke  of  Brunswick.  The  engineer  had  found 
the  fortifications  to  be  in  a  most  deplorable  state 
of  neglect,  and  in  his  report  he  had  accused  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick  of  gross  carelessness  in  the 
exercise  of  his  duty  as  commander-in-chief,  while 
acting  for  the  Prince,  who  was  then  a  minor. 

When  that  report  was  made,  the  Duke  was  still 
in  favor  with  the  Prince  and  the  whole  affair  had 
been  hushed  up.  Dumoulin  had  not  been  expected 
to  communicate  his  secret  investigation  to  any- 
body else,  but,  according  to  the  existing  custom, 
he  had  talked  the  whole  matter  over  with  several 
of  the  city  pensionarises,  and  had  even  given  to 
de  Gyselaer  the  notes  upon  which  he  had  based  his 
report. 

All  this  evidence,  acquired  in  an  illegal  way,  was 
presented  by  de  Gyselaer  to  the  estates  at  a  mo- 
ment when  almost  everybody  was  absent  on  ac- 
count of  the  Christmas  holidays.  By  a  bit  of  par- 
liamentary juggling  a  committee  was  immediately 
appointed  by  the  Estates  of  Holland  to  investigate 
the  charges  that  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  had  al- 
lowed the  fortifications  to  tumble  to  pieces,  and  had 
never  taken  the  trouble  to  stock  the  empty  store- 
houses.  This  new  attack  upon  the  Duke  had  fur- 


364    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

nished  the  excitement  for  the  first  two  months  of 
the  year  1784. 

In  March,  however,  the  matter  was  forgotten 
because  of  another  event  which  shocked  the  people 
a  great  deal  more  than  the  lampoons  upon  the  fat 
Austrian  Duke.  This  was  the  notorious  affair  of 
Kaat  Mossel  in  Rotterdam.  Kaat  Mossel  was  a 
most  prosaic  fish-wife,  and  the  way  in  which  she 
was  made  to  play  the  role  of  martyr  and  heroine 
was  as  follows.®^ 

Rotterdam  had  never  quieted  down  from  the 
excitement  attending  the  celebration  of  the  Stad- 
holder's  birthday  the  year  before.  The  sight  of 
the  Patriot  soldiers  marching  proudly  through  the 
streets,  togged  up  like  Prussian  grenadiers,  was  an 
ever  fresh  source  of  annoyance  to  the  poorer  classes, 
and  these  soldiers  were  about  as  popular  as  the 
American  militia  doing  duty  in  a  town  where  there 
is  a  strike.  There  was  no  actual  clash  between  sol- 
diers and  mob,  but  there  was  the  best  of  ill-feeling 
between  the  two.  The  8th  of  March  again  pro- 
mised to  be  a  diflBcult  day.  Nothing  serious,  how- 
ever, happened  except  that  during  the  afternoon  a 
well-intentioned  but  intoxicated  individual  found 
his  way  to  the  Stock  Exchange  and  there  cried, 
"Hooray  for  the  Prince!"  The  majority  of  the 
Rotterdam  merchants  being  strong  Patriots,  the 
aforementioned  individual  found  himself  promptly 
on  the  pavement,  outside  the  Exchange.  His  hu- 
miliation had  to  be  avenged.   And  it  was.  The 


THE  PATRIOTS  3Q6 

next  afternoon  six  gigantic  sailors,  rigged  in  every 
conceivable  Orange  garment,  honored  the  Exchange 
with  their  visit,  walked  through  the  crowd,  bumped 
into  not  a  few  of  the  honorable  merchants  there 
assembled,  hurrahed  for  the  Prince,  and  departed 
unmolested. 

Hence  great  joy  among  the  populace  and  great 
mortification  among  the  members  of  the  Exchange, 
who  had  been  hurt  in  that  which  is  dearest  to  the 
heart  of  every  Hollander,  their  respectability. 

Now  Rotterdam  possessed  two  rival  corps  of 
militia.  There  was  the  old  non-uniformed  corps, 
which  did  not  take  much  interest  in  politics,  and 
there  was  the  Patriotic  Free  Corps,  which  took  no 
interest  in  anything  else.  Of  the  nine  companies  of 
which  the  latter  consisted,  there  was  one  that  con- 
tained all  the  most  offensive  elements  and  which 
found  itself  in  continual  trouble  with  the  street 
crowds.  This  was  the  company  of  a  certain  Cap- 
tain Elzevier.  Each  of  the  companies  was  sup- 
posed to  mount  guard  during  the  night  at  regular 
intervals.  When,  on  the  22d  of  March,  it  came  the 
turn  of  Captain  Elzevier 's  company,  there  was 
grave  fear  of  an  outbreak.  But  no  outbreak  oc- 
curred. The  soldiers  were  jeered  at  and  were  ac- 
companied on  their  way  by  a  band  of  boys  singing 
Orangist  songs,  but  the  soldiers  and  the  citizens 
did  not  come  to  blows.  All  the  same,  the  Patriots 
assembled  the  next  day,  gravely  discussed  the  dan- 
ger in  which  they  had  been  the  night  before,  and 


866    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

took  a  solemn  oath  to  defend  themselves  unto  their 
last  drop  of  blood,  should  they  be  attacked.  The 
oath  sounded  well  and  cost  them  nothing. 

On  the  3d  of  April,  it  was  again  the  turn  of  Cap- 
tain Elzevier's  men  to  mount  guard,  and  this  time 
it  happened  to  be  Saturday.  Now  Saturday  night 
has  been  since  time  immemorial  the  night  when  the 
sailor  is  on  shore  and  when  the  tough  element  goes 
out  for  trouble  with  the  police. 

The  Patriotic  soldiers  assembled  in  front  of  the 
town  hall.  The  small  place  in  front  of  the  town  hall 
was  filled  with  a  boisterous  crowd  which  tried  to 
prevent  the  men  from  forming  ranks.  A  good  deal 
was  heard  about  "Chocolate"  soldiers,  and  the 
free-born  Batavians,  when  requested  to  move  on 
and  make  room  for  the  Patriots,  had  a  good  deal 
to  say  about  "having  as  much  right  to  be  in  the 
street  as  any  dressed-up  fool  of  a  monkey,  who, 
merely  because  he  was  dressed  up  like  a  monkey, 
expected  the  whole  world  to  get  out  of  the  way." 

Finally,  the  company  mustered  and  marched 
away.  When  they  were  crossing  a  small  bridge, 
they  were  assailed  with  a  veritable  bombardment 
of  stones.  The  captain  commanded  his  men  to  fire 
a  volley  of  blank  cartridges.  This,  however,  had 
no  effect.  On  the  contrary,  it  made  the  crowd  more 
aggressive.  The  jeering  was  renewed.  "The  sol- 
diers are  afraid.  They  will  never  dare  to  fire  with 
real  bullets,"  said  the  crowd.  The  bombardment 
of  stones  was  renewed.   And  then  happened  what 


THE  PATRIOTS  367 

always  happens  in  such  cases.  The  soldiers  fired 
with  ball  cartridges,  one  of  the  crowd  was  killed 
instantly,  and  the  rest  disappeared  in  hasty  flight, 
leaving  behind  them  a  score  of  wounded. 

This  was  the  first  time  that  political  passions 
had  been  directly  responsible  for  the  shedding  of  a 
citizen's  blood,  and  great  was  the  commotion  that 
followed.  The  news  of  the  Rotterdam  *' massacre" 
spread  throughout  the  country  and  was  received 
with  very  mixed  but  equally  intense  feelings  every- 
where. The  Patriots  came  to  the  fore  with  the  ar- 
gument that  they  had  only  acted  in  self-defense. 
In  consequence  no  one  of  Elzevier's  company  was 
punished.  But  since  their  presence  was  a  constant 
menace  to  the  peace  of  the  town,  the  Free  Corps 
was  disbanded  and  the  Patriots  were  forbidden  to 
wear  their  uniforms  in  the  town.  At  the  same  time, 
to  be  equally  just  to  all  parties,  the  Solomons  of  the 
town  hall  gave  out  an  interdict  against  the  wearing 
of  all  orange-colored  ribbons,  flowers,  neckties,  or 
other  adornment. 

But  even  these  wise  measures  did  not  bring  about 
the  desired  peace.  The  most  fantastic  rumors 
spread  throughout  the  city  at  the  most  inopportune 
moments.  Now  there  was  a  panic  because  an  Eng- 
lish bombardment  was  feared;  then  again  because 
the  Patriots  were  said  to  be  organizing  a  massacre 
of  all  the  supporters  of  the  Prince.  In  July,  again 
on  a  Saturday  night,  there  was  more  trouble  be- 
tween the  poorer  classes  and  the  Patriots.    The 


368    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

latter  by  this  time  held  over  ten  seats  in  the  town 
hall  and  sent  urgent  letters  to  the  Estates  of  Holland 
and  complained  that  their  lives  were  no  longer 
secure  against  the  violence  of  the  Orangist  mob. 

Whereupon  (notice  the  humorous  side  of  the  oc- 
casion !)  the  good  Prince,  at  the  request  of  the  Es- 
tates of  Holland,  sent  some  regular  troops  to  the 
town  of  Rotterdam  to  protect  the  valuable  lives 
of  his  most  esteemed  enemies.  But  since  nothing 
in  the  Republic  was  adjudged  to  be  complete 
without  the  existence  of  a  committee  to  report 
thereon,  the  Estates  at  the  same  time  appointed 
a  number  of  gentlemen  who  were  to  proceed  to  the 
place  of  disturbance  and  investigate  the  matter. 
This  committee  traveled  leisurely  to  Rotterdam 
and  there  made  itself  comfortable  in  the  best  hotel. 
It  took  just  two  years  in  which  to  make  its  report 
and  cost  Rotterdam  one  hundred  and  five  thousand 
guilders  for  its  "expenses." 

As  there  had  been  great  provocation  on  both 
sides,  it  was  found  difficult  to  put  the  blame  on 
either  of  the  parties.  But  since  a  committee  is  of  no 
value  unless  it  reports  upon  something,  the  whole 
affair  was  at  last  brought  down  to  two  women  of  the 
fish-market  who  were  known  to  be  strong  adher- 
ents of  the  Prince,  and  who  had  spoken  about  the 
Patriotic  soldiers  in  language  which  was  far  from 
flattering.  For  this  offense  they  were  condemned  to 
ten  and  six  years  imprisonment,  respectively,  and 
were  actually  sent  to  jail.   There  they  stayed  until 


THE   PATRIOTS  369 

the  Prussian  army  brought  about  the  Restoration, 
when  they  were  set  free  and  were  allowed  to  return 
to  their  humble  profession  of  selling  mussels.  They 
were  vulgar  people  and  their  methods  of  expressing 
enthusiasm  should  not  be  followed  by  well-behaved 
citizens.  But  they  suffered  in  an  absurdly  unjust 
way  for  their  convictions,  and  a  small  reward  on  the 
part  of  the  Prince  would  not  have  been  out  of  place. 
This,  however,  was  not  in  the  man's  character,  and 
we  must  pass  on  to  the  next  question. 
.  The  industrious  reader  may  remember  that 
when  we  took  him  on  this  side  trip  to  Rotterdam 
there  was  at  that  moment  in  the  Hague  a  certain 
committee  in  session  which  was  to  report  upon  the 
affair  of  General  Dumoulin  vs.  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick. The  committee  had  not  yet  finished  its  in- 
vestigation. The  Duke  refused  to  budge.  Even 
for  an  offer  of  so  much  money  in  cash  down,  if 
only  he  would  leave  the  RepubUc,  he  had  firmly 
refused  to  give  up  the  excellent  emoluments  which 
he  still  derived  from  his  present  post  as  commander 
of  Bois-le-Duc. 

The  committee  was  in  doubt  what  to  do  next, 
when  all  of  a  sudden  a  new  piece  of  heavy  artillery 
was  brought  into  the  field,  blew  away  the  Duke,  and 
seriously  damaged  the  Stadholder.  This  was  the 
publication  of  the  famous  "Acte  van  Consulent- 
schap,"  the  document  by  which  William  had  given 
himself  into  the  keeping  of  the  Duke.  The  pub- 
lication of  this  document,  by  this  time  known  to  a 


370    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

score  of  people,  had  often  been  discussed,  but  had 
been  held  back  as  a  sort  of  reserve  force  to  be  used 
only  in  case  of  dire  need. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1784,  it  was  whis- 
pered about  in  the  leading  Patriotic  paper,  the 
"  Post  of  the  Lower  Rhine,"  that  there  was  said  to 
exist  a  secret  document  of  agreement  between  the 
Prince  and  his  former  guardian.  This  information 
was  one  of  the  many  bits  of  news  which  the  editor 
got  from  his  friends  in  Amsterdam,  who  used  his 
paper  as  an  imoflScial  mouthpiece  for  their  own 
special  purposes. 

Since  this  statement  had  been  made  openly  in 
a  newspaper,  it  was  easy  to  continue  to  follow  the 
matter  up  more  openly.  The  delegates  of  the  town 
of  Zierikzee  asked  the  Estates  of  Zeeland  whether 
their  Lordships  knew  of  any  such  thing.  Their 
Lordships  did  not,  but  they  would  investigate  the 
matter. 

This  was  the  sign  for  Holland  to  act,  since  it 
would  never  do  to  be  beaten  in  such  matters  by 
one  of  the  inferior  provinces.  The  Estates  of  Hol- 
land, therefore,  appointed  a  commission,  consisting 
among  others  of  the  Raadpensionaris  van  Berckel, 
and  de  Gyselaer,  and  sent  them  to  the  Stadholder 
to  ask  him  officially  what  was  the  truth  about  this 
secret  agreement.  If  such  a  document  did  exist, 
would  His  Highness  be  willing  to  send  a  copy  thereof 
to  the  estates? 

The  Prince  confessed  that  the  document  did  ex- 


THE   PATRIOTS  371 

ist,  and  promised  that  he  would  send  copies  thereof 
not  only  to  the  Estates  of  Holland,  but  to  all  of  the 
provincial  estates  and  to  the  Estates  General. 

It  took  ten  days  to  make  the  eight  copies  and 
they  were  then  forwarded  to  the  different  estates, 
accompanied  by  a  letter  of  the  Stadholder  explain- 
ing just  how  the  agreement  had  come  to  be  made. 
In  this  letter  the  Prince  openly  defended  his  former 
guardian.  He  reminded  the  estates  that  the  Duke 
had  only  remained  in  the  service  of  the  Republic 
at  the  urgent  entreaties  of  the  estates  themselves 
(which  was  quite  true) .  He  stated  that  he  had  not 
bound  himself  to  ask  the  advice  of  the  Duke  upon 
every  possible  occasion,  but  only  at  times  when  he 
himself  thought  this  necessary.  Therefore  it  seemed 
no  more  than  just  that  the  Duke  should  not  be  held 
responsible  for  advice  given  under  such  circum- 
stances. 

The  publication  of  the  document  came  exactly 
at  the  moment  when  the  difficulties  with  Joseph  of 
Austria  were  threatening  the  country  with  another 
war.  Just  when  the  popular  anger  against  Austria 
was  at  its  height,  it  was  discovered  that  one  of  the 
Emperor's  own  field  marshals  had  for  years  been 
the  absolute  dictator  of  the  acts  of  the  Stadholder 
of  the  Republic.  It  was  not  a  time  to  expect  a  sober 
discussion  of  the  pros  and  cons  of  the  question. 
It  was  a  time  of  hysterical  fears,  and  the  storm 
which  broke  loose  against  the  Duke  was  such  that 
his  position  in  the  RepubHc  became  absolutely 


372    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

untenable.  The  Prince  began  to  see  visions  of  the 
scaffold,  and  was  being  followed  in  his  dreams  by  the 
spook  of  Charles  I.  He  contemplated  a  flight  to  his 
German  possessions,  there  to  end  his  days  in  peace. 
At  last  the  Duke  packed  his  trunks.  He  left  nothing 
behind  but  his  considerable  debts.  On  the  16th 
of  October,  1784,  he  left  for  Brunswick,  where  he 
spent  the  rest  of  his  days  trying  to  explain  in  an 
apology  how  it  had  all  happened. 

For  the  estates,  however,  this  was  not  yet  the 
end  of  the  affair.  They  made  several  attempts  to 
get  hold  of  the  correspondence  of  the  Duke,  in  the 
hope  that  it  might  contain  documents  incriminat- 
ing the  Prince.  A  number  of  foreign  soldiers  of 
fortune  were  hired  to  steal  such  letters  as  they 
could  find.  They  went  to  Aix-les-Bains,  where  the 
Duke  happened  to  be,  but  they  were  sold  out  by 
one  of  their  colleagues  and  the  noble  plan  failed. 

Van  der  Capellen  did  not  witness  this  great  vic- 
tory of  the  Patriots!  On  the  6th  of  June,  1784,  he 
died  in  Zwolle,  at  the  age  of  forty-three.  For  many 
years,  almost  since  childhood,  he  had  suffered  from 
a  chronic  disease  of  the  stomach,  and  his  political 
activities  had  been  continually  interrupted  by  sick- 
ness. His  loss  was  felt  sincerely  by  his  many  friends. 
Poetical  admirers  foresaw  the  honor  which  awaited 
him  in  high  heaven  as  a  just  reward  for  his  labors. 
Other  of  his  fellow  citizens  thought  differently,  and 
as  soon  as  they  had  a  chance  to  do  so  without  fear 
of  punishment  they  blew  up  his  grave.®' 


CHAPTER  IX 

LAST  YEARS 

In  1785  the  Republic  was  in  a  terrible  condition. 
The  war  with  England  was  over.  The  public  debt 
had  been  increased  until  it  was  found  almost  impos- 
sible to  pay  the  interest  thereon.  The  Dutch  ships 
that  had  been  taken  during  the  last  four  years  had 
not  been  returned.  The  East  India  Company, 
practically  bankrupt,  had  a  hard  time  to  hold  its 
own  against  English  competition,  which  it  was 
obliged  to  permit  in  part  of  its  possessions.  A  num- 
ber of  colonies  had  been  lost  to  the  Republic  for- 
ever. The  trade  with  America  since  the  loss  of  St. 
Eustatius  had  dwindled  to  nothing. 

The  people  at  large,  deprived  of  their  ordinary 
revenues,  were  suffering  in  mute  discontent.  The 
well-to-do  classes  were  wasting  their  energy  in 
futile  quarrels.  Every  town  and  every  village,  al- 
most every  family,  was  divided  against  itself.  The 
Orangist  famiUes  kept  quietly  to  themselves.  The 
Patriots  swaggered  about,  discussed  their  affairs 
high  and  low  in  the  cafes  and  clubs,  and  in  the 
fashion  of  some  of  our  modern  politicians  imputed 
the  lowest  motives  to  all  those  who  did  not  share 
their  opinions.  Since  a  large  part  of  the  population 
was  out  of  work,  the  Patriots  tried  hard  to  use 
the  opportunity  to  interest  these  men  in  the  new 


374    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

doctrines.  Next  to  the  more  fashionable  Patriotic 
Club  they  established  societies  where  the  workman 
and  the  employer  should  meet  each  other,  and 
where  the  one  should  instruct  the  other  in  the  first 
principles  of  such  wisdom  as  he  himself  possessed. 
These  clubs  were  not  very  successful.  The  absolute 
class  distinction  had  been  so  rigorously  maintained 
for  such  a  number  of  years  that  this  fraternization 
was  always  marred  by  servility  on  the  one  side  and 
condescension  on  the  other.  It  seemed  as  if  the  very 
bottom  was  beginning  to  fall  out  of  Dutch  society 
when  the  master  so  far  forgot  himself  that  he  agreed 
to  sit  at  one  and  the  same  table  with  the  servant. 

Already  there  were  a  number  of  signs  that  great 
changes  were  taking  place  in  this  staid  old  com- 
munity. The  order  against  the  orange  color,  pro- 
mulgated in  Rotterdam  after  the  riots  of  March, 
1784,  had  been  followed  in  July  of  the  same  year 
by  even  more  drastic  orders  on  the  part  of  the 
Estates  of  Holland.  Not  only  did  they  forbid  the 
wearing  of  all  orange-colored  articles,  but  they 
changed  the  names  of  such  vegetables  and  fruits 
as  it  had  pleased  the  Almighty  Lord  to  favor  with 
an  orange  skin,  or  which  it  had  pleased  the  popular 
fancy  to  call  after  the  members  of  the  illustrious 
house  whose  fate  was  so  closely  allied  to  that  of 
their  country.  Finally  it  was  made  a  penal  offense 
to  sing,  whistle,  play,  or  otherwise  produce  a  cer- 
tain piece  of  music  which,  under  the  name  of  "  Wil- 
helmus  of  Nassau,"  had  for  the  last  two  hundred 


LAST  YEARS  375 

and  fifty  years  been  the  honorable  national  anthem 
of  the  United  Netherlands. 

The  Stadholder,  who  lived  in  the  same  building 
with  the  men  who  made  these  absurd  laws,  had  to 
accept  all  these  insults  without  a  word  of  remon- 
strance, and  henceforward  had  to  order  his  "Prin- 
cess beans"  by  whatever  name  it  pleased  the  Pa- 
triots to  rebaptize  that  good  vegetable.  More  and 
more  it  was  made  clear  to  him  that  he  was  no  longer 
wanted,  and  that  his  removal  was  the  real  object 
of  the  Opposition,  now  that  the  ultra-radical  ele- 
ments were  gradually  pushing  to  the  front  and  were 
taking  hold  of  the  leadership  of  their  party. 

In  January  of  the  year  1785,  the  troops  of  Austria 
threatened  to  invade  the  Republic  at  any  moment. 
There  being  no  army  and  no  fortifications,  there 
was  nothing  with  which  to  stop  their  attack.  Will- 
iam asked  that  the  Patriotic  Free  Corps  be  used  for 
the  defense  of  the  fatherland  and  be  sent  to  the 
frontier  to  stop  the  progress  of  the  Austrians.  The 
request  was  met  with  an  immediate  refusal. 

The  Free  Corps  had  been  formed  as  a  means  of 
defense  of  the  Patriotic  party  against  the  Stad- 
holder and  not  for  the  benefit  of  the  common  father- 
land. As  long  as  the  interests  of  the  party  were 
secure,  the  country  could  go  to  the  dogs.  Accord- 
ingly one  province  after  the  other  refused  to  accept 
a  plan  which  might  even  for  a  moment  deprive 
them  of  their  defense  against  a  possible  reaction 
on  the  part  of  the  Prince's  adherents.   There  was 


376    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

nothing  to  do  but  to  bribe  the  Austrian  Emperor 
into  giving  up,  for  a  sum  in  cash,  his  outrageous 
demands. 

It  is  curious  to  notice  the  helplessness  of  the 
Stadholder  and  to  examine  the  actual  force  that 
was  opposing  him  with  so  much  vehemence.  Even 
in  the  turbulent  Estates  of  Holland  the  Patriots 
were  only  certain  of  a  majority  when  absolutely 
all  the  members  of  the  Opposition  were  present. 
The  nobility  was  still  on  the  side  of  the  Prince,  and 
with  the  increasing  violence  of  the  Opposition  a 
great  many  of  its  former  supporters  saw  their  best 
advantage  in  voting  for  the  Prince.  But  they  suf- 
fered from  the  same  indifference  which  so  often 
characterizes  the  more  philosophical  elements  of  a 
political  party.  They  often  stayed  away  when  their 
presence  was  most  needed,  and  the  Patriots,  well 
whipped  by  their  three  pensionarises,  carried  vic- 
tory after  victory  by  sheer  parliamentary  strategy, 
just  as  a  few  years  later  a  ridiculously  small  min- 
ority of  France's  citizens  bullied  the  rest  and  cut 
throats  to  its  heart's  content  because  it  was  better 
organized  and  more  resolute  than  the  others. 

The  citizens  of  almost  every  town  let  themselves 
be  ordered  around  by  the  soldiers  of  the  Free  Corps, 
but  all  in  all  no  more  than  twenty  thousand  men 
ever  enlisted  in  these  corps,  and  of  those  more  than 
a  quarter  came  from  Holland  alone. 

Take  Utrecht  in  this  year,  for  example.  In  this 
city  a  few  thousand  citizen-soldiers  and  a  noisy 


LAST  YEARS  377 

orator  kept  the  whole  community  in  commotion. 
In  Utrecht,  as  we  have  had  reason  to  mention  be- 
fore, things  had  never  been  as  they  should  have 
been.  In  1672  Louis  XIV  had  taken  the  town,  and 
after  he  had  retreated,  the  Stadholder,  William  III, 
had  managed  to  acquire  complete  control  of  the 
political  system  of  the  city  and  had  been  the  "  Boss  '* 
of  the  town  until  his  death  in  1702.  Then  Utrecht 
had  regained  her  autonomy.  In  1747,  however, 
when  the  stadholders  were  restored,  William  IV, 
and  later  on  his  son,  William  V,  had  again  been 
masters  of  the  town.  They  had  control  of  all  the 
offices  in  the  city,  and  no  person,  of  whatever  rank 
or  position,  could  hope  to  achieve  anything  without 
paying  tribute  to  the  Prince  or  his  representative. 
The  Prince  was  never  personally  present,  but  his 
representative,  who  was  always  in  Utrecht,  en- 
riched himself  at  the  expense  of  the  public,  and  there- 
fore was  thoroughly  hated,  and  unpopular  with  all 
classes.  As  we  have  also  remarked  before,  Utrecht 
was  a  university  town,  and,  situated  in  the  centre 
of  the  country,  it  knew  what  was  going  on  abroad 
as  well  as  at  home.  The  town  was  prosperous  and 
the  population  a  little  better  informed  upon  a  num- 
ber of  questions  than  most  people  in  the  Republic. 
For  a  score  of  years  there  had  been  active  opposi- 
tion, from  a  most  respectable  part  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, to  the  so-called  "Regulation,"  which  deliv- 
ered the  town  into  the  power  of  the  Stadholder. 
WilUam,  however,  was  headstrong  and  obstinate. 


378    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

and  refused  to  give  up  his  ancient  rights  and  ad- 
hered to  the  smallest  of  his  prerogatives.  Since  he 
had  no  understanding  whatsoever  of  the  events 
which  were  taking  place  around  him,  he  considered 
the  opposition  to  the  "Regulation"  merely  an- 
other manifestation  of  that  personal  cussedness 
which  unfortunately  marked  so  many  of  his  sub- 
jects. Now  it  happened  that  in  1784  there  was  a 
vacancy  in  the  town  council,  and  according  to  the 
law  the  Stadholder  was  at  Hberty  to  appoint  some 
one  for  the  place  without  considering  the  wishes  of 
the  other  members  of  the  council. 

Before  the  Prince  had  appointed  any  one,  how- 
ever, seven  hundred  citizens  of  Utrecht  petitioned 
the  council  to  disregard  the  doubtful  privilege  of 
the  Stadholder,  to  take  matters  into  their  own 
hands,  and  to  appoint  whomever  they  pleased  to  fill 
the  vacancy  in  their  midst.  The  petition  formally 
stated  that  the  council,  as  the  representative  of 
the  ancient  guilds  and  the  militia,  was  perfectly 
entitled  to  follow  this  course. 

With  a  majority  of  twenty-six  votes  the  council 
actually  did  what  it  was  requested  to  do  and  filled 
the  vacancy  without  consulting  the  Prince.  The 
new  councillor  was  noisily  acclaimed  by  the  Pa- 
triots, and  upon  the  occasion  of  his  first  appearance 
in  the  town  hall  was  accompanied  by  a  guard  of 
honor  of  Free  Corps  soldiers. 

The  Stadholder  protested.  He  sent  a  formal 
document  to  the  estates  of  the  province,  called  the 


LAST  YEARS  379 

diocese,  although  for  the  last  two  hundred  and 
forty-six  years  there  had  been  no  bishop  con- 
nected with  it.  The  estates,  however,  declined  to 
give  the  Stadholder  satisfaction.  They  left  it  to 
the  town  of  Utrecht  herself  to  decide  whether  the 
Regulation  of  1672  was  contrary  to  the  ancient 
laws  of  the  province  or  not.  If  it  was,  the  council 
was  completely  within  its  rights  in  disregarding  the 
so-called  privilege  of  the  Stadholder.  But  after  this 
first  heroic  act  a  reaction  followed,  and  the  wise  and 
prudent  coimcillors  of  the  good  town  of  Utrecht 
were  frightened  by  their  own  intrepidity.  When 
all  was  said  and  done  they  had  allowed  themselves 
to  be  imposed  upon  by  the  crowd  in  the  street,  and 
in  this  way  they  had  established  a  very  dangerous 
precedent.  What  would  prevent  the  people  from 
another  time  petitioning  them  to  dismiss  the  man 
they  had  just  appointed  ? 

Thus  it  happened  that  ere  long,  when  a  second 
vacancy  took  place,  a  number  of  councillors  fell 
suddenly  ill  and  were  prevented  from  attending  the 
session  which  was  to  elect  their  new  fellow  member. 
This  time  the  majority  by  which  the  new  man  was 
elected  was  quite  small.  The  next  time  it  proved 
to  be  turned  into  a  minority. 

This  backsliding  on  the  part  of  their  town  council 
was  very  little  to  the  taste  of  the  Patriots,  who  in 
Utrecht  were  thoroughly  imbued  with  democratic 
doctrines.  They  continued  the  agitation  for  several 
much  needed  local  improvements,  and  obtained 


380   FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPL^LIC 

from  the  town  council  the  decision  that  a  com- 
mittee of  nine  aldermen  should  sit  for  five  weeks 
to  hear  the  humble  requests  of  the  citizens  about 
such  improvements  as  they  thought  necessary.  No 
sooner  was  this  request  granted  than  it  rained  a 
storm  of  petitions.  In  every  bookshop  monster 
petitions  were  open  to  all  those  who  would  come 
and  sign  them. 

What  the  Regents  of  the  town  had  feared  act- 
ually happened.  The  Patriots  not  only  directed 
their  attacks  against  the  Stadholder,  but  they  also 
asked  for  the  appointment  of  a  consulting  body  of 
citizens  which  should  control  the  finances  of  the 
city  and  should  be  heard  before  new  taxes  were 
written  out.  Such  a  consulting  board  of  citizens 
was  not  a  novelty.  In  several  of  the  small  cities  of 
Overysel  such  committees  had  been  appointed  at 
the  instigation  of  van  der  Capellen.  But  never 
before  had  the  plan  been  tried  in  a  city  of  the  size 
of  Utrecht. 

The  Regents  were  sorely  pressed  to  know  what 
answer  to  give  to  this  request.  The  civic  budget 
had  from  ancient  times  been  the  most  private  re- 
servation, one  from  which  they  had  derived  their 
riches,  and  they  hated  beyond  words  to  be  con- 
trolled in  their  expenditures.  They  now  began  to 
see  that,  of  the  two  evils,  the  Prince  was  really  the 
lesser.  When  in  the  course  of  events  another 
vacancy  occurred,  —  this  time  for  the  place  of 
burgomaster  and  sheriff,  —  they  refused  to  appoint 


LAST  YEARS  381 

new  men  as  the  Patriots  asked  them  to  do,  but  con- 
tinued the  old  ones  in  their  position  until  the  next 
year.  And  immediately  they  started  out  to  repair 
the  damage  they  had  inflicted  upon  their  own  class 
by  their  opposition  to  the  Stadholder,  and  to  curb 
the  arrogance  of  the  man  in  the  street. 

It  was  too  late,  however.  Under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  former  student  of  theology,  young  Mr. 
Ondaatje,  at  present  professional  Patriot,  the  ex- 
cited people  demanded  that  the  consulting  board 
of  sixteen  be  increased  to  twenty-four,  and  should 
be  chiefly  composed  of  representatives  from  among 
the  Free  Corps.  The  Regents  refused  point-blank 
to  appoint  such  a  body.  Whereupon  the  people 
went  ahead  and  appointed  it  themselves.  The 
eight  Free  Corps  then  elected  a  special  committee  to 
watch  over  their  own  particular  interests,  and  the 
town  of  Utrecht  suddenly  found  itself  in  the  posses- 
sion of  three  different  independent  political  bodies, 
each  of  which  wanted  to  do  certain  things  in  a 
different  way. 

The  fight  between  the  Stadholder  and  the  town 
of  Utrecht  now  became  a  quarrel  between  the 
Regents  and  the  Patriots.  Against  the  united  op- 
position of  all  the  Patriotic  elements  in  the  town, 
the  council,  in  the  summer  of  1785,  elected,  with  a 
majority  of  sixteen,  a  gentleman  who  was  greatly 
disliked  by  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Patriots.  The 
Patriots  threatened  violence  unless  the  appoint- 
ment was  canceled.   The  council  immediately  lost 


382    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

its  courage,  and  promised  not  to  allow  the  new 
member  to  attend  its  sessions  until  it  should  have 
heard  what  the  people  had  to  say.  The  people  came 
and  through  their  spokesman,  Ondaatje,  delivered 
to  the  High  and  Mighty  Gentlemen  of  the  Council 
a  beautiful  speech  on  the  Rights  of  the  People  and 
the  Duties  of  the  Government. 

The  Gentlemen  of  the  Council  promised  that 
they  would  consider  the  matter;  which  they  did 
ad  infinitum.  Therefore,  when  the  days  went  by 
and  no  decisive  answer  was  given,  the  Patriots 
addressed  themselves  again  to  the  most  honorable 
council  and  asked  for  a  definite  reply.  No  reply  was 
forthcoming.  Whereupon,  after  another  interval  of 
several  days,  a  turbulent  mass  of  Patriots  and  Free 
Corps  soldiers  appeared  before  the  town  hall,  and 
once  more,  through  Ondaatje,  asked  the  gentlemen 
what  they  intended  to  do.  The  Honorable  Gentle- 
men of  the  Council,  who  did  not  belong  to  the  race 
of  Oldenbarneveldt  and  de  Witt,  were  scared  be- 
yond words  at  the  sight  of  the  agitated  crowd. 
They  reversed  their  former  decision  and  unseated 
the  man  whom  they  had  just  appointed. 

This  was  too  much  for  many  of  the  members  of  the 
council.  They  felt  ashamed  of  their  cowardice  and 
resigned  their  seats  rather  than  continue  in  a  posi- 
tion where  they  could  be  bullied  into  submission  by 
a  squad  of  "strong-arm"  men. 

The  Opposition  in  Utrecht,  however,  was  from 
now  on  sharply  divided.   The  democratic  Patriots 


LAST  YEARS  383 

had  been  the  victors.  But  all  the  conservative  ele- 
ments of  the  party  began  to  hold  back  and  to  look 
for  a  possible  cooperation  with  the  Stadholder  and 
the  other  conservatives  in  the  Republic. 

The  same  thing  happened  in  the  estates  of  the 
province.  The  Regents  who  had  seats  in  the  es- 
tates discovered  that,  as  a  result  of  their  agitation 
against  the  Prince,  they  now  had  to  deal  with  an 
infinitely  more  dangerous  enemy.  In  a  number  of 
small  towns  the  example  of  Utrecht  was  at  once 
followed.  Committees  of  citizens  were  appointed, 
and  besides  the  existing  town  council,  rival  councils 
were  being  established.  In  a  short  while  the  condi- 
tions became  so  chaotic  that  an  appeal  for  troops 
had  to  be  made  to  the  Stadholder,  and  garrisons  had 
to  be  established  in  several  of  the  rebellious  cities 
to  make  their  citizens  behave  themselves  and  stop 
disturbing  the  peace. 

No  wonder  that  at  the  general  meetings  of  the 
Patriots  which  took  place  in  this  year  the  Regents 
were  entirely  absent,  and  that  the  differences  be- 
tween the  right  and  the  left  wing  of  the  party 
became  more  pronounced  than  ever.  Of  the  three 
pensionarises  only  de  Gyselaer  was  present.  Gelder- 
land  and  Overysel  sent  many  members,  but 
Utrecht,  which  had  just  suffered  on  account  of  the 
Patriotic  agitation,  was  not  represented  at  all. 
There  was  a  good  deal  of  talk  about  the  danger  in 
which  the  party  found  itself,  and  in  order  to  watch 
the  occurrences  of  the  day  more  carefully  a  com- 


384    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

mission  of  seven  was  appointed,  and  it  was  decided 
to  appeal  to  the  whole  nation  for  money. 

During  all  these  events,  the  Stadholder  still 
resided  in  the  Hague,  but  entirely  as  a  negligible 
quantity.  His  communications  to  the  Estates, 
asking  for  an  investigation  of  the  lampoons  that 
were  being  daily  published  about  him,  were  left 
unanswered.  His  requests  for  redress  for  the  many 
insults  and  personal  attacks  to  which  he  was  con- 
stantly subjected,  were  unceremoniously  put  upon 
the  table. 

And  now  a  row  between  some  town  loafers  and 
some  Free  Corps  soldiers  was  taken  as  an  excuse  to 
deprive  the  Prince  of  the  command  of  the  garrison 
of  the  Hague  and  to  transfer  it  to  the  Estates  of 
Holland.®*  The  Prince  protested.  In  an  angry  let- 
ter he  asked  who  had  dared  take  command  of  his 
troops.  The  only  answer  to  this  document  was  an 
attempt  made  by  Holland  to  deprive  His  High- 
ness also  of  his  commandership  of  the  troops  of  the 
Union.  This  was  too  much  even  for  such  a  patient 
individual  as  William  V.  On  September  15  he  left 
the  Hague  and  went  to  Breda.  His  wife  and  children 
he  sent  to  Leeuwarden.  It  was  his  plan  that  after  a 
while  they  should  all  move  to  his  German  estates. 
But  he  never  got  so  far  as  that,  for  the  Princess 
managed  to  convince  her  husband  that  such  a  step 
would  look  like  a  flight  before  the  Patriots  and 
would  spoil  his  chance  of  ever  returning.  Therefore 
the  Prince  agreed  to  stay  in  the  Republic,  and  chose 


LAST  YEARS  385 

Nymegen  in  Gelderland  as  his  residence.  There  he 
amused  himself  as  best  he  could  hunting  and  vis- 
iting such  families  as  remained  faithful.  Like  his 
father  before  him  he  was  a  great  "waiter."  He 
could  wait  patiently  until  the  day  of  vindication 
should  come.  For  the  moment  there  was  little  hope 
that  that  day  would  soon  arrive.  Uncle  Frederic 
in  Berlin  was  very  old  and  had  gathered  enough 
fame  for  one  lifetime.  He  preferred  not  to  mix  him- 
self up  in  what  was  so  essentially  a  family  quarrel. 
The  only  hope  was  that  the  Opposition  would 
become  disorganized  over  the  question  of  how  to 
divide  the  spoils. 

And  this  is  what  actually  happened.  A  very 
natural  reaction  was  bringing  about  a  sudden 
change  in  the  minds  of  many  people.  They  had 
never  cared  much  for  the  weak  Stadholder.  But 
now  that  he  had  been  obliged  to  leave  the  Province 
of  Holland  they  asked  themselves  whether  he  had 
really  deserved  such  a  fate.  And  they  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  he  had  not;  that  he  had  not  been 
quite  so  bad  after  all,  and  that  all  the  trouble  was 
the  work  of  the  wicked  Patriots. 

The  Patriots  had  fallen  upon  difficult  days.  The 
democratic  wing  of  the  party  found  that  since  it 
had  done  the  work  for  the  Regents  it  was  no  longer 
needed,  and  was  being  pushed  back  to  the  obscure 
position  from  which  it  had  just  arisen  with  so  much 
trouble.  This  was  not  what  the  democratic  Patriots 
had  entered  the  fight  for,  and  they  made  this  very 


386    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

clear  to  the  Regents.  But  the  Regents,  under  the 
pressure  of  danger  to  their  own  position,  made 
a  firm  stand  and  prepared  to  reestablish  the  old 
order  of  things. 

It  was  too  late,  however.  The  harm  had  been 
done!  The  butcher  and  the  baker  and  the  candle- 
stick-maker, who  for  so  many  years  had  been  ac- 
customed to  count  as  a  very  small  item  in  the 
machinery  of  State,  refused  to  return  to  their  old 
positions  of  most  humble  servants  and  take  orders 
from  their  betters.  The  members  of  the  middle 
class,  which  had  been  all-powerful  for  almost  three 
years,  did  not  fancy  a  return  of  the  conditions  which 
gave  them  about  as  much  power  as  the  meanest 
coal-heaver. 

The  Regents  tried  to  disband  the  Free  Corps.  All 
of  a  sudden  they  had  scruples  about  the  existence  of 
armed  bodies  which  were  not  primarily  destined  to 
protect  the  town  in  case  of  riot  and  fire.  Would  the 
members  of  the  Free  Corps  please  give  up  their 
arms  and  return  to  their  former  occupations  .^^  No, 
the  Free  Corps  would  do  nothing  of  the  sort.  They 
liked  their  life,  with  its  cheap  and  easy  glory,  much 
too  well  to  give  it  up  for  a  return  of  the  old  dull 
days. 

The  period  of  unrest  continued  to  last  for  many 
years.  The  Prince,  still  nominally  the  Stadholder 
of  all  the  provinces,  lived  in  semi-exile  in  Gelder- 
land,  and  tried  by  a  series  of  trips  through  the  coun- 
try provinces  to  regain  some  of  his  lost  prestige. 


LAST  YEARS  887 

Holland  and  Utrecht,  however,  formed  a  state 
within  a  state,  and  treated  their  stadholder  as  if  he 
were  an  enemy  of  their  httle  sovereign  nation  and 
should  not  be  allowed  upon  their  territory. 

The  Republic  began  more  and  more  to  resemble 
the  South  American  Republic  of  comic-opera  fame. 
There  was  not  even  a  semblance  of  order.  Van  der 
Kemp,  who  had  left  the  ministry  for  good,  organ- 
ized in  a  little  village  in  Utrecht  a  new  common- 
wealth which  suddenly  declared  itself  independent 
of  the  Estates  as  well  as  of  the  Stadholder.  When 
he  refused  to  disband  the  regiment  of  dragoons 
which  he  had  formed  among  the  local  rustics, 
a  military  action  against  his  new  republic  was 
planned.  At  the  news  thereof  volunteers  from  all 
parts  of  Utrecht  and  Holland  flocked  to  the  little 
town  of  Wyk-by-Duurstede  and  diligently  worked 
to  put  the  townlet  in  a  state  of  defense.  The  army 
of  the  Estates,  however,  did  not  appear,  and  the 
new  republic  of  seven  hundred  souls  died  a  natural 
death. 

In  Gelderland  there  were  two  insignificant  vil- 
lages, called  Hattem  and  Elburg.  In  the  first  of  the 
two  there  was  a  very  active  patriotic  youth  called 
Daendels,  who  later  made  himself  famous  as  one 
of  Napoleon's  generals  and  as  governor-general  of 
the  Dutch  Indies.  When  his  village  got  into  trouble 
with  the  Stadholder  about  some  local  matter,  the 
inhabitants  decided  to  cease  to  recognize  the  orders 
of  the  Stadholder.*^  This  they  did.    Even  in  the 


388    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

province  which  the  Prince  honored  with  his  pre- 
sence he  was  to  be  openly  disobeyed  by  a  score  of 
villagers  living  in  a  place  of  which  hardly  anybody 
knew  the  exact  location. 

Since  the  Stadholder  commanded  a  number  of 
troops  located  in  the  fortresses  of  the  Union  along 
the  German  frontier,  it  was  possible  to  take  im- 
mediate steps  against  the  rebels.  At  the  request  of 
the  Estates  of  Gelderland,  who  were  not  in  the  least 
enthusiastic  about  this  behavior  of  their  fellow 
citizens,  a  number  of  troops  were  dispatched  against 
the  two  little  cities.  At  the  news  of  the  intended  ex- 
pedition Patriots  from  all  over  the  country  rushed 
to  the  rescue.  Day  and  night  they  worked  at  the 
defenses  of  the  two  places,  but  when  the  Union 
troops  finally  appeared  and  fired  a  single  shot,  their 
courage  left  them  and  they  fled ;  nor  did  they  stop 
until  after  they  had  crossed  the  frontiers  of  Utrecht. 

The  Union  troops,  however,  who  for  many  years 
had  suffered  under  the  insults  of  the  Patriots,  got 
even  with  their  enemies  by  plundering  the  houses  of 
some  of  the  local  leaders.  Whereupon  Holland  did 
something  which  was  quite  unheard  of:  it  formally 
protested  in  the  Estates  of  Gelderland  against  the 
barbarous  behavior  of  the  Stadholder 's  soldiers. 

They  of  Gelderland  sent  a  lengthy  answer  to 
Holland,  the  gist  of  which  sounded  remarkably  like 
"Mind  your  own  business."  This  the  Estates  of 
Holland  declined  to  do.  The  game  they  were  really 
after  was  the  Stadholder  and  not  the  estates  of  a 


LAST  YEARS  389 

neighboring  province.  To  William,  who  during  all 
the  commotion  had  quietly  remained  in  Nymegen, 
they  addressed  a  very  curt  note,  and  asked  him 
to  state  within  twenty-four  hours  exactly  what  he 
thought  of  the  violent  measures  to  which  the  Es- 
tates of  Gelderland  had  resorted  in  order  to  subdue 
a  few  innocent  rioters. 

The  Prince  answered  in  substance  that  he  had 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  whole  matter;  that  at 
the  request  of  the  estates  of  the  province  he  had  fur- 
nished some  troops  as  it  was  his  duty  to  do,  but  that 
this  was  an  internal  affair  of  the  Estates  of  Gelder- 
land, which,  as  the  sovereign  of  their  own  province, 
could  take  such  measures  as  pleased  them  to  main- 
tain order. 

Holland,  however,  had  expected  a  disavowal  of 
the  conduct  of  the  Gelderland  Estates.  The  panic 
caused  by  the  frightened  Patriotic  soldiers  had  been 
followed  by  a  terrible  storm  in  the  press.  In  the  Es- 
tates of  Holland,  de  Gyselaer  had  characterized  the 
conduct  of  William  as  that  of  a  second  Alva.  The 
Patriots  had  to  go  back  to  Philip  II  of  Spain  and  to 
Nero  to  find  examples  of  such  cruelty  and  lust  as 
had  just  been  manifested  by  William,  when  he  al- 
lowed his  murderous  troops  to  descend  upon  the 
innocent  children  of  the  land  and  transform  a  peace- 
ful scene  into  smouldering  ruins. 
f  Under  the  influence  of  these  exaggerated  senti- 
ments the  Estates  of  Holland  now  went  one  step 
farther,  and  by  a  majority  of  fifteen  votes,  on  the 


390    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

22d  of  September,  1786,  they  declared  that  WiUiam  V 
had  been  deprived  of  his  high  office  of  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army  and  the  navy.  Since  the  Prince 
was  not  appointed  to  this  office  by  the  Estates  Gen- 
eral, but  by  each  province  separately,  the  Estates 
of  Holland  could  legally  take  this  step.  But  it  can 
easily  be  imagined  what  the  result  was  upon  the 
general  condition  of  the  country.  From  that  time 
on,  so  far  as  Holland  and  Utrecht  were  concerned, 
there  was  no  longer  any  stadholder  at  all.  Without 
saying  so  openly  they  really  seceded,  and  they  hinted 
that  they  would  never  allow  the  Stadholder  to  re- 
turn to  their  territory. 

The  fear  that  the  Stadholder  might  call  upon  the 
regular  troops  and  that  his  adherents  in  the  different 
large  cities  might  try  to  throw  off  the  unpopular 
Patriotic  yoke,  threw  these  two  provinces  into  a 
veritable  turmoil.  A  German  princelet,  with  some 
reputation  as  a  soldier,  was  hired  to  command  the 
army  of  Free  Corps  soldiers,  and  the  town  of 
Utrecht,  which  was  the  advance  post  on  the  road 
from  Nymegen  to  Amsterdam,  was  strongly  forti- 
fied. 

All  to  no  purpose.  The  Stadholder  did  not  move. 
After  long  hesitation  he  went  at  last  to  Amersfoort, 
where,  after  a  continual  quarrel  between  Patriots 
and  Regents,  he  had  been  obliged  to  send  a  few  sol- 
diers. His  friends  in  Holland  urged  him  to  move 
swiftly  across  the  frontier  of  Holland  and  show  him- 
self in  the  Hague.  The  people  at  large,  so  they  as- 


LAST  YEARS  391 

sured  him,  were  so  disgusted  with  the  overbearing 
insolence  of  the  Patriots  that  they  would  welcome 
their  stadholder  with  the  greatest  joy.  No  harm 
would  befall  him.  He  would  find  thousands  who 
were  willing  to  give  their  lives  for  his  defense,  if 
only  he  would  take  the  initiative  and  come. 

The  Stadholder  did  not  move.  Finally  his  wife, 
tired  of  the  humiliation  of  hesitating  and  of  the 
whole  business,  decided  to  go  instead  of  her  husband. 
For  many  years  she  really  had  been  the  intellectual 
head  of  the  Prince's  whole  family  and  had  acted 
when  her  husband  could  not  make  up  his  mind  what 
to  do.  But  the  clumsiness  which  had  become  char- 
acteristic of  everything  undertaken  by  the  Prince 
or  his  friends  was  present  even  in  this  supreme 
moment.  In  order  to  succeed,  it  was  necessary  that 
the  Stadholder  should  be  in  the  Hague  before  the 
Patriots  could  become  aware  of  his  presence.  Except 
by  a  complete  surprise  nothing  could  possibly  be 
achieved.  Instead  of  preparing  the  expedition  to 
the  Hague  secretly,  however,  everything  was  done 
in  a  most  open  way.  Instead  of  traveling  with  only 
a  few  friends,  a  whole  staff  of  maids  and  flunkeys 
must  needs  be  dragged  along.  Instead  of  going  post- 
haste with  fast  horses,  the  regular  postal  route  was 
used  and  all  the  horses  along  the  road  were  chartered 
days  beforehand.®* 

No  wonder  that  the  Patriots  in  Holland  knew 
about  the  plan  long  beforehand.  They  sent  dele- 
gations of  their  soldiers  to  the  different  villages 


392    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

along  the  frontier  and  waited.  When  finally,  on  the 
28th  of  June,  1787,  the  Princess  and  her  large  retinue 
set  out  for  the  Hague,  she  was  promptly  stopped  the 
moment  she  entered  the  territory  of  the  Province 
of  Holland  and  was  forced  to  go  back  to  Nymegen. 

Here  was  something  entirely  new  in  the  annals 
of  Dutch  history.  The  stories  which  were  circu- 
lated about  brutal  treatment  of  the  Princess  were 
nonsense.  She  was  treated  respectfully  by  the  offi- 
cers who  commanded  the  Patriots,  and  suffered  no 
hardships.  But  in  1787  it  meant  something  for  a  few 
farmers  and  cheese-dealers,  dressed  up  to  represent 
soldiers,  to  stop  the  sister  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  to 
put  her  under  technical  arrest,  and  tell  her  please 
to  return  whence  she  had  come.  Such  things  could 
not  pass  by  unnoticed.  Before  many  days  were 
over,  a  great  rumbling  was  heard  from  the  direction 
of  the  Prussian  capital  and  His  Prussian  Majesty 
wanted  to  know  what  it  all  meant.  He  was  informed 
that  this  was  purely  a  question  of  the  Estates  of 
Holland.  They  alone  were  responsible.  The  Es- 
tates General  had  neither  dared  to  oppose  them  nor 
to  encourage  them  in  their  conduct,  and  it  was  to 
the  Estates  of  Holland  that  the  King  of  Prussia  was 
asked  to  address  his  remonstrances,  which  he  did 
with  a  great  showing  of  righteous  anger. 

Holland  again  had  vague  hopes  of  help  from 
France.  But  France  was  not  in  the  least  inclined 
to  risk  a  war  on  behalf  of  the  crazy  crowd  which  at 
that  moment  governed  the  once  so  mighty  province. 


LAST   YEARS  393 

The  other  provinces  tried  to  appease  the  wrath  of 
His  Majesty  by  officially  disapproving  the  conduct 
of  Holland.  So  did  the  Estates  General  after  all  was 
over. 

This  was  the  time  for  the  extremists  among  the 
Patriots.  All  those  who  still  had  something  to  lose 
went  over  to  the  conservative  wing  of  the  party. 
All  those  who  had  nothing  to  lose  doubled  their 
energies  towards  bringing  about  a  conflict.  In  the 
Estates  of  Holland  the  most  absurd  laws  were  being 
passed  against  all  the  enemies  of  State.  Those  who 
were  openly  caught  in  any  way  showing  their  sym- 
pathy for  the  Stadholder  could  almost  without 
form  of  process  be  shot.  It  was  openly  advised  to 
confiscate  the  possessions  of  the  Stadholder  and  to 
exclude  him  and  his  house  forever  from  the  stad- 
holdership. 

From  all  sides  the  Free  Corps  marched  to  the 
places  where  attacks  were  most  feared.  The  Patri- 
otic papers  shrieked  in  the  loudest  notes  of  hysteria. 
Prussia  was  collecting  twenty  thousand  men  along 
the  frontiers  of  Gelderland.  An  invasion  might  be 
expected  hourly.  And  still  the  Estates  of  Holland 
refused  to  offer  to  the  Prussian  King  their  excuses 
for  the  insult  which  his  sister  had  suffered  at  being 
returned  from  Holland  territory  as  if  she  were  a 
traitor  to  the  State.  According  to  the  estates  there 
never  had  been  any  insult  at  all.  They,  the  estates, 
were  sovereign  in  their  own  territory  and  could  re- 
fuse admittance  to  whomsoever  they  pleased. 


394    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

The  first  Prussian  demand  for  satisfaction  was 
followed  by  a  second  one,  in  even  plainer  language. 
The  answer  which  the  estates  sent  was  practically 
the  same.  In  so  many  words,  they  stated  what 
they  would  rather  do  than  apologize. 

Thereupon  the  King  of  Prussia  sent  an  ultima- 
tum. Either  the  Estates  of  Holland  would  send 
their  most  humble  apologies  within  four  days  or 
he  would  order  his  troops  to  invade  their  province 
and  get  satisfaction  by  means  of  arms.  The  four 
days  went  by  and  the  Estates  of  Holland  sent  no 
answer.  On  the  13th  of  September  of  the  year 
1787,  the  Prussians,  commanded  by  a  cousin  of  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick,  invaded  the  Republic  and 
along  three  routes  marched  towards  Utrecht  and 
Holland.  And  then  the  debacle  took  place.  The 
Patriots  had  great  hopes  of  Utrecht.  The  town  was 
well  fortified  and  defended  the  route  to  Amsterdam. 
The  Prussians,  however,  did  not  bother  about 
Utrecht  and  marched  around  the  city.  All  the  can- 
non and  the  men  defending  the  city  were  therefore 
useless. 

A  terrible  panic  followed.  One  after  the  other 
city  and  village  surrendered  to  the  Prussians  with- 
out an  attempt  at  defense.  Amsterdam  inundated 
the  country  around  its  walls  and  in  this  way  main- 
tained itself  for  a  few  days.  The  Hague,  which  pos- 
sessed no  fortifications,  was  entirely  at  the  mercy 
of  the  enemy.  The  estates  thought  of  fleeing  to 
Haarlem.  But  they  could  not  decide  this  question 


LAST  YEARS  395 

in  time  and  kept  on  deliberating  until  the  Prussians 
had  surrounded  their  assembly. 

'  Within  five  days  the  Restoration  had  been  com- 
pleted. A  week  later,  when  everything  was  over, 
William  appeared  in  the  Hague,  loudly  acclaimed 
by  the  population.  He  had  done  nothing  himself 
to  bring  this  change  about,  but  he  took  the  conse- 
quences of  the  Prussian  invasion  as  his  good  right, 
as  something  which  was  plainly  due  him.  He  saw 
himself  reinstated  into  all  his  old  dignities  and  re- 
sumed his  old  comfortable  existence  in  the  palace  of 
his  ancestors.  His  wife  now  had  all  the  satisfaction 
she  wanted.  The  Prussians  received  half  a  million 
guilders  for  their  trouble  and  returned  home. 

The  Restoration  was  not  followed  by  any  vio- 
lence towards  the  defeated  party.  There  were  no 
hangings,  shootings,  or  executions  of  any  sort. 
Everywhere  the  Patriotic  Regents  were  dismissed 
and  their  places  were  taken  by  friends  of  the  Prince. 

No  attempt  was  made  to  change  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  land  in  such  a  way  that  a  repetition  of 
these  events  should  be  an  impossibility.  Every- 
thing was  left  as  it  was,  and  a  return  was  made  to 
the  old  system  of  patchwork  and  unsatisfactory, 
halfway  measures. 

Neither  did  the  Stadholder  try  to  use  the  moment 
of  victory  to  form  a  solid  party  around  himself. 
No  attempts  were  made  to  master  the  faithful  lower 
classes  into  a  strong  Orangist  organization.  Many 
of  the  Regents  who  had  had  enough^  of  this  one 


396    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

experiment  in  hobnobbing  with  their  tradespeople 
turned  into  strong  conservatives  and  were  willing 
to  support  the  Prince.  The  Prince,  however,  was 
not  willing  to  accept  the  support  of  those  who  once 
had  been  his  open  enemies  and  refused  to  have 
anything  to  do  with  them. 

And  what  became  of  the  Patriots?  They  formed 
that  most  dangerous  of  things  to  the  healthy  life  of 
a  state,  a  class  of  perpetually  discontented  people. 
Thousands  of  them  had  so  compromised  themselves 
during  the  years  of  violent  partisanship  that  they 
no  longer  felt  happy  at  home.  They  left  their 
country  as  voluntary  exiles  and  went  to  France 
or  to  Belgium.  All  the  little  Belgian  cities  along 
that  frontier,  not  to  speak  of  Brussels,  were  full  of 
Dutch  immigrants,  brooding  on  their  woes  and 
meditating  on  ways  and  means  by  which  they 
could  return  to  power.  The  Stadholder  had  been 
willing  to  drag  a  foreign  power  into  the  contro- 
versy in  order  to  save  himself.  Why  should  they  be 
particular  about  the  measures  which  they  chose  to 
promote  their  own  interests.^  As  a  matter  of  fact 
they  were  not.  More  and  more  they  allowed  them- 
selves to  come  under  the  influence  of  the  doctrines 
which  they  heard  preached  around  them  in  France 
and  in  Belgium.  The  French  Revolution  was 
greeted  as  the  daybreak  of  a  new  era  by  thousands 
of  Dutch  exiles. 

When  France  started  upon  her  career  of  bringing 
the  blessings  of  Uberty  to  the  other  nations  of  Eu- 


LAST  YEARS  397 

rope,  these  exiles  were  among  the  first  to  enhst  in 
the  French  armies.  From  their  fellow  Patriots  in 
the  Republic  they  knew  how  little  the  Restoration 
had  brought  that  peace  and  quiet  which  were  so 
necessary  to  the  country;  now,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  dullness  of  the  Stadholder  and  his  advisers  had 
turned  the  momentary  enthusiasm  into  frigid  and 
lasting  indifference. 

It  is  true  that  during  the  first  year  strong  Prus- 
sian garrisons  divided  among  the  most  rebelhous 
cities  kept  the  old  partisanships  down.  But  not 
only  did  those  soldiers  cost  the  country  at  large 
enormous  sums,  but  by  their  brutal  behavior  they 
started  among  the  people  a  desire  for  revenge  upon 
the  Prince  whom  they  regarded  as  the  cause  of  all 
their  troubles,  whom  they  held  directly  responsible 
for  the  events  which  had  brought  the  country  under 
foreign  domination. 

Attempts  to  revive  the  trade  and  commerce  of 
the  Republic  failed  entirely.  Too  much  territory 
had  been  lost  during  the  prolonged  war  with  Eng- 
land. Rivals  with  more  up-to-date  business  meth- 
ods had  taken  the  place  of  the  Dutch  merchant  and 
could  not  be  moved. 

For  the  army  and  fleet  nothing  was  done.  In 
despair  the  Republic  was  forced  to  return  to  its  old 
treaty  of  friendship  with  England  in  order  that,  in 
case  of  need,  it  might  receive  support  from  the  Brit- 
ish navy.  A  treaty  with  Prussia  held  out  hope  of 
military  assistance  on  land. 


398    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

In  a  vague  and  desultory  way  some  efforts  were 
made  to  put  the  internal  politics  of  the  Republic  on 
a  better  basis.  But  nothing  was  accomplished.  The 
Regents,  afraid  lest  there  should  be  a  repetition  of 
the  events  which  had  just  occurred,  turned  their 
faces  firmly  away  from  all  manifestations  of  those 
modern  ideas  which  were  then  becoming  the  com- 
mon possession  of  all  Europe. 

All  those  who  had  something  to  lose,  of  what- 
ever creed  or  politics,  now  united  to  make  a  last 
stand  against  the  new  doctrines  of  those  who  had 
everything  to  gain.  No  longer  did  the  Free  Corps 
march,  no  longer  did  the  Patriots  discuss  the  salva- 
tion of  the  State  in  their  political  clubs.  The  Free 
Corps  had  been  disbanded,  the  clubs  had  been 
closed.  The  newspapers  no  longer  preached  to  the 
eager  multitude,  who  had  formerly  taken  in  their 
editorials  as  the  truth  of  a  new  gospel.  The  print- 
shop  was  locked  up  and  the  editor  most  likely  lived 
in  Dunkirk  or  Brussels  waiting  for  the  day  of  re- 
venge. Without  a  single  man  of  character  around 
whom  the  people  could  rally,  without  guidance, 
faced  by  as  unproductive  a  conservatism  as  a  na- 
tion has  ever  known,  the  days  of  the  Republic  were 
counted. 

On  the  21st  of  January,  1793,  Louis  XVI  was 
decapitated.  On  the  1st  of  February  the  French 
Republic  declared  war  upon  the  Stadholder  of  Hol- 
land. A  desp>erate  but  futile  attempt  was  made  to 
put  the  country  into  a  state  of  defense.  The  battle 


LAST  YEARS  899 

of  Neerwinden  in  March  put  a  momentary  stop 
to  the  victorious  campaign  of  the  French.  For  the 
moment  the  Repubhc  seemed  saved  once  more  by- 
foreign  intervention.  But  not  for  long. 

Two  years  later,  in  the  fall  of  1795,  it  pleased  the 
Almighty  Lord  to  do  away  with  that  which  is  per- 
haps the  most  pathetic  of  all  earthly  things,  an 
institution  which  has  outlived  its  usefulness. 


EPILOGUE 

And  this  is  what  happened  to  the  Repubhc  after 
it  called  in  outsiders  to  settle  its  partisan  quarrel. 
The  French  army  walked  to  the  Hague  and  the 
Stadholder  fled  on  a  miserable  fishing-smack.  He 
was  sorry  to  lose  his  country,  but  he  seemed  a  great 
deal  more  impressed  by  the  inconvenience  experi- 
enced in  crossing  the  North  Sea  on  board  the  ill- 
smelling  craft.  He  reached  the  Enghsh  coast  in 
safety,  and  there  we  may  say  good-bye  to  him.  After 
a  few  years  he  went  to  such  of  his  German  posses- 
sions as  were  left  him  by  Mr.  Bonaparte,  and  in  1806 
he  died  an  exile  in  Brunswick. 

As  for  the  Republic,  it  suffered  an  upheaval,  the 
like  of  which  it  had  not  experienced  since  the  mo- 
mentous day  when  it  abjured  its  lawful  sovereign 
and  declared  itself  an  independent  state.  For  the 
next  twenty  years  it  was  ruled  by  the  Patriotic 
party  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  and  desires  of 
their  masters  in  Paris.  There  was  not  a  phase  in  the 
varied  experience  of  Revolutionary  France  which 
was  not  copied  in  the  history  of  the  Republic  be- 
tween the  years  1795  and  1813. 

When  France  had  a  Jacobin  constitution,  the 
Republic  had  one,  too.  When  in  France  the  reac- 
tion against  the  extreme  Revolutionary  sentiments 
brought  about  a  more  conservative  state  of  affairs. 


EPILOGUE  401 

the  powers  that  ruled  in  the  Hague  felt  themselves 
compelled  to  revise  their  own  form  of  government 
until  it  should  correspond  to  that  of  their  great 
southern  neighbors. 

Indeed,  every  absurdity  of  French  revolutionary 
zeal  found  its  counterpart  in  the  Republic.  What- 
ever was  old  was  abolished,  irrespective  of  its  value. 
The  country  was  re-divided,  the  political  system 
was  reorganized,  century-old  habits  were  put  away, 
innovations  were  introduced,  until  nobody  could 
longer  find  his  way  in  the  labyrinth  of  progressive 
improvements.  Instead  of  the  old  decentralization, 
a  new  system  of  centralization  was  introduced  so 
complete  that  all  oflScial  business  came  to  a  stand- 
still. Constitutions  came  and  constitutions  went, 
until  most  people  were  so  disgusted  with  the  daily 
political  upheavals  that  they  were  willing  to  accept 
any  sort  of  stable  government,  provided  it  did  away 
with  the  uncertainty  and  the  jobbery  of  the  pro- 
fessional politicians  who  were  then  endeavoring  to 
bring  about  the  millennium.  And  over  and  above 
all  there  was  the  cry  for  money,  money,  and  still 
more  money.  The  French  Republic  did  not  bring 
"Liberty,  Fraternity,  and  Equality"  for  nothing. 

The  little  affair  of  driving  away  the  Stadholder, 
of  delivering  the  free  Batavian  from  the  slavery  of 
the  Orange  yoke,  was  debited  against  the  Republic 
in  the  sum  of  one  million  guilders.  This  sum  had 
to  be  paid  in  cash,  too,  preferably  in  gold.  Also 
the  Republic  was  requested  to  board  and  to  clothe 


402    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

twenty-five  thousand  French  soldiers;  not  twenty- 
five  thousand  a  year,  but  twenty-five  thousand  as 
often  as  they  came  along,  which  happened  the 
moment  the  first  batch  had  been  provided  with 
the  necessities  of  life  and  had  been  moved  on  to 
the  next  country.  Incidental  expenses  on  the  part 
of  these  gentlemen  were  paid  for  with  assignats, 
of  which  the  Republic  received  a  number  of  mil- 
lions which  were  wholly  inconvertible. 

But  that  was  only  the  beginning.  Before  the  Re- 
public got  through  with  France  she  had  paid  276,- 
000,000  guilders  in  regular  and  339,000,000  in  ex- 
traordinary taxes.  In  plain  English,  the  Republic 
was  robbed  of  its  last  cent.  During  these  many 
years,  there  was  no  trade,  there  was  no  commerce, 
there  was  no  industry.  On  the  sea  the  English 
held  full  sway,  and  Holland  as  a  subordinate  na- 
tion to  France  was  obliged  to  consider  England  as 
her  enemy.  The  last  little  remnants  of  Dutch  trade 
were  cleaned  up  by  the  British,  and  some  120,- 
000,000  guilders  were  lost  by  Dutch  merchants, 
who  still  had  ships  on  the  ocean  or  interests  abroad. 
The  Dutch  colonies  all  fell  into  British  hands  and 
not  a  penny  of  revenue  came  from  Asia  or  America. 

The  Hollanders  never  had  been  fond  of  life  in 
the  army.  Their  new  masters  did  not  inquire  after 
their  likes  and  dislikes,  but  put  them  into  French 
uniforms  and  sent  them  over  the  face  of  the  globe 
to  fight  their  wars  for  them  as  best  they  could. 
Before  Napoleon  got  through  with  his  campaigns, 


EPILOGUE  403 

whole  regiments  of  Dutch  soldiers  had  been  reduced 
to  two  or  three  men.  An  entire  generation  of  young 
men  were  practically  annihilated  before  peace  once 
more  came  to  the  country.  When  it  did  come,  in 
1813,  the  country  was  bankrupt,  the  people  were 
hopeless,  and  in  the  town  of  Amsterdam  one  half 
of  the  entire  population  was  kept  alive  by  public 
charity. 

To  recite  the  different  constitutions  in  detail 
would  be  useless.  The  specialist  on  Dutch  history 
can  find  them  in  the  handbooks  of  Dutch  political 
history.  It  may  suffice  to  mention  in  a  general  way 
the  changes  which  took  place  in  the  old  Republic 
of  the  United  Seven  Netherlands. 

In  1795,  that  name  was  given  up  in  favor  of  that 
of  the  Batavian  Republic.  The  Batavian  Republic 
would  not  have  failed  to  please  even  the  most  ardent 
of  the  most  extreme  Jacobins.  Unfortunately  it  did 
not  please  Mr.  Bonaparte,  when  that  gentleman 
experienced  a  change  of  heart  and  turned  conserva- 
tive. Hence  in  1801  a  second  constitution  put  the 
nation  on  a  more  conservative  basis,  reintroduced 
much  that  had  joyfully  been  discarded  a  few  years 
before,  and  provided  an  element  of  political  toler- 
ance which  had  been  absent  during  the  first  victori- 
ous years  of  Patriotic  rule. 

In  1804,  Napoleon  became  Emperor.  He  now 
frowned  upon  republics.  The  shirt-sleeve  politi- 
cians disappeared  from  the  meetings  of  the  estates 
and  the  members  once  more  enjoyed  their  old  titles 


404    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

of  '*  Their  High-and-Mightinesses."  Incidentally  the 
constitution  was  changed  for  the  third  time,  and  at 
the  head  of  everything  was  placed  a  raadpensionaris. 
It  was  the  intention  in  Paris  that  His  Excellency 
should  be  a  sort  of  viceroy  of  His  French  Majesty. 
The  first  raadpensionaris  was  a  most  estimable 
functionary  who  loved  his  country  dearly,  but  who 
lacked  a  sense  of  humor.  After  a  year  he  was  sent 
home  and  Napoleon's  brother,  Louis,  was  made 
King  of  the  "Kingdom  of  Holland,"  and  with  the 
help  of  a  fourth  constitution  was  expected  to  govern 
the  rich  Netherlands  to  the  best  interests  of  his 
brother,  the  Emperor.  Let  it  be  said  to  the  everlast- 
ing honor  of  Louis  Napoleon  that  he  did  nothing 
of  the  sort.  Earnestly,  and  not  without  success,  he 
endeavored  to  rule  his  new  kingdom  in  accordance 
with  its  own  interests.  During  four  years  he  con- 
ducted a  sort  of  guerrilla  warfare  against  his  bro- 
ther. He  could  not  positively  disobey  orders  from 
Paris,  but  he  tried  as  much  as  possible  to  mitigate 
the  hardships  which  the  French  policies  caused  his 
country.  In  1810  his  game  was  up.  Napoleon  dis- 
missed his  brother  with  as  little  circumstance  as  if 
he  had  been  an  unsatisfactory  office  boy,  and  on 
the  9th  of  July  of  that  year  the  provinces  along  the 
mouth  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Maas  became  part  of 
the  great  French  Empire. 

In  a  foreign  school  the  Hollanders  now  learned 
what  they  had  not  been  able  to  learn  of  their  own 
free  will.    They  were  hanmiered  into  one  nation. 


EPILOGUE  405 

It  is  true  that  for  several  years  they  lost  their  inde- 
pendence and  even  their  language,  but  all  the  advan- 
tages of  a  reasonably  centralized  government  were 
brought  home  to  them  in  a  most  forceful  way.  It 
was  made  clear  to  petty  interests  that  nothing  could 
be  accomphshed  as  long  as  one  part  refused  to  act 
for  the  benefit  of  all  and  held  its  own  special  inter- 
ests more  sacred  than  those  of  the  whole  community. 

A  more  severe  master  than  the  Emperor  Napo- 
leon it  would  be  hard  to  imagine.  When,  in  the 
course  of  human  events,  he  was  sent  to  cultivate  the 
flowers  around  Longwood  House  and  when  most  of 
his  work  was  undone  by  little  potentates  who  pos- 
sessed all  of  his  vices  and  none  of  his  virtues,  there 
still  remained  the  basis  of  the  modern  state  as  it  had 
been  laid  down  by  the  great  French  Emperor.  When, 
in  1815,  the  principal  European  nations,  assembled 
at  Vienna,  founded  the  Kingdom  of  the  Nether- 
lands out  of  the  former  Republic  and  Belgium, 
the  rudimentary  work  of  changing  the  old  anarchic 
republic  into  a  modern  nation  had  been  accom- 
plished. 

The  cost,  however,  had  been  terrific.  Neither 
men  nor  money  were  left.  Private  initiative  was 
dead.  Of  pubHc  spirit  there  was  not  a  vestige.  A 
few  families,  a  handful  of  men,  brought  about  the 
revolution  which  delivered  the  Dutch  from  the 
French  yoke  before  it  was  freed  by  the  Cossacks 
and  the  Prussians.  The  people  at  large  were  wholly 
apathetic.    Dutch  Hfe  became  entirely  contempla- 


406    FALL  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

tive.  The  Hollander  became  afraid  of  living.  He 
preferred  to  retire  into  the  back  rooms  of  his  house 
and  find  solace  for  his  misery  in  meditations  on  the 
past  life  of  his  ancestors  or  on  the  future  life  of  his 
own  soul.  Innovations  of  all  sorts  were  unwelcome. 
Railroads  were  looked  at  with  suspicion,  since  the 
canal  boat  provided  for  all  the  humble  needs.  A 
Chinese  wall  of  conservative  prejudice  surrounded 
the  country  and  kept  out  all  foreign  influence.  It 
was  almost  two  generations  before  a  noticeable 
improvement  took  place.  Fully  fifty  years  went  by 
before  the  deserted  streets  became  once  more  filled 
with  people  who  had  the  courage  to  take  up  life  as 
they  found  it  and  to  regard  it  with  common  sense, 
unmixed  with  the  sentiments  of  dowdy  dignity 
which  during  the  period  of  poverty  had  become 
the  ideal  of  a  self-satisfied  bourgeoisie. 

The  first  king  of  the  new  Holland,  the  son  of  the 
last  stadholder,  tried  to  revive  the  prosperity  of  his 
country  by  reverting  to  methods  that  were  wholly 
out  of  date.  His  zeal  and  his  good  intentions  did 
not  make  up  for  his  lack  of  statesmanship.  He 
failed,  and  his  successors  were  forced  to  play  the 
r61e  of  absolutely  constitutional  rulers. 

The  Regents  tried  to  regain  their  old  influence. 
But  their  day  was  over.  Except  in  ornamental  posi- 
tions they  played  no  further  part.  With  a  few  ex- 
ceptions they  had  become  impoverished,  and  were 
either  forced  back  into  business  or  lived  a  forgotten 
existence  in  some  provincial  town. 


EPILOGUE  407 

As  for  the  Patriots,  the  men  of  1815  were  a  very 
different  set  from  those  of  twenty  years  before.  They 
had  learned  a  terrible  lesson.  They  had  tried  to 
change  human  nature  overnight,  and  they  had  dis- 
covered that  this  is  a  slow  and  tardy  process  which 
has  to  be  handled  with  the  utmost  care  and  with 
infinite  patience. 

All  of  the  three  old  parties,  Stadholder,  Regents, 
and  Patriots,  with  their  old  provincial  and  civic  ani- 
mosities, disappeared  in  the  new  kingdom.  For  bet- 
ter or  for  worse,  as  fellow  citizens  of  one  undivided 
country,  and  with  equal  opportunity  for  all,  they 
have  since  tried  to  work  out  their  common  salvation. 


THE  END 


APPENDIX 

Stadholdeb  Raadpensionaris 

1568,  William  I  —  the  Silent  —   Jacob  van  den  Eynde. 

of  Nassau  Dillenburg.  Paulus  Buys,  1572. 

1579,  Union  of  Utrecht. 

1584,  Maurice,  head  of  Council   Johan  van  Oldenbameveldt. 
of  State. 

1585,  Leicester,  Lord  Lieutenant.    Johan  van  Oldenbameveldt. 
1587,  Leicester  leaves. 

1585-1625,  Maurice,  Stadholder  Johan  van  Oldenbameveldt,  de- 

of  Holland  and  Zeeland.  capitated  1619. 

1590,  of  Utrecht  and  Overysel.  Andries  de  Witt,  1619. 

1591,  of  Gelderland.  Anthonie  Duyck,  22  Jan.,  1621. 
1620,  of  Drenthe  and  Gronin- 

gen. 

1625-1647,  Frederic  Henry,  Stad-   Adriaan  Pauw,  12  April,  1631. 
holder  of  Holland  and  Zee-   Jacob  Cats,  3  July,  1636. 
land. 

1625,  of  Utrecht,  Overysel,  Gel- 
derland. 

1640,  of  Drenthe  and  Groningen. 

m7-1650,  WUliam  II,  Stad- 
holder. 

1647,  of  Holland,  Zeeland, 
Utrecht,  Overysel,  Gelder- 
land, Drenthe,  and  Gronin- 
gen. 

1650-1672,  No  Stadholder.  Adriaan  Pauw,  27  Sept.,  1651. 

Johan  de  Witt,  23  July,  1653. 

1672-1702,  WiUiam  III,  Stad- 
holder. 

1672,  of       Holland,       Zeeland,    Casper  Fagel,  4  Aug.,  1672. 

Utrecht,  Overysel,  Gelder-   Anthony  Heinsius,  20  June,  1689. 
land. 

1696,  of  Drenthe. 


410 


APPENDIX 


Stadholdeb 
1689,  King  of  England.  The  di- 
rect line  of  William  I  dies 
out. 

1702-17Jt7,  No  Stadholder. 


1747-1751,  William  IV  of  Nas- 
sau Diez,  Hereditary  Stad- 
holder of  the  entire  Repub- 
lic in  1747. 

1711,  of  Friesland. 

1718,  of  Groningen. 

1722,  of  GelderlandandDrenthe. 

1747,  of  Holland,  Zeeland, 
Utrecht,  and  Overysel. 

1751-1759,  Princess  Anna,  Gov- 
erness. 

1759-1766,  Duke  of  Brunswick  as 
guardian  of  the  Prince. 

1766-1795,  WiUiam  V,  Hered- 
itary Stadholder  of  the  en- 
tire Republic. 


Raadpensionabis 


Isaak  van  Hoombeek,  12  Sept., 

1720. 
Simon  van  Slingelandt,  17  July, 

1727. 
Anthony    van    der    Heym,    15 

March,  1737. 
Jacob  Gilles,  23  Sept.,  1746. 
Pieter  Steyn,  21  July,  1749.  , 


Pieter  van  Bleiswyk,  28  Nov., 

1772. 
Laurens  Pieter  van  de  Spiegel, 

6  Dec.,  1787. 


NOTES 

The  map  was  made  by  the  author  from  original  sources.  All  the  avail- 
able maps  were  so  filled  with  details  about  non-essential  villages  and  ham- 
lets that  the  author,  for  the  convenience  of  the  reader,  constructed  a  general 
map  which  shows  only  such  places  as  are  spoken  about  in  the  book  itself. 
Should  the  reader  feel  inspired  to  make  a  closer  study  of  the  geographical  his- 
tory of  the  Dutch  Republic,  the  author  refers  him  to  the  "  Historische  School- 
atlas,"  by  H.  Hettema,  Jr.,  sixth  edition,  1910,  printed  by  W.  E.  J.  Tjeenk 
Willink,  ZwoUe. 

1  For  the  history  of  the  invasion  of  the  Republic  by  the  French  Revolu- 
tionary armies,  see  Colenbrander,  De  Bataafsche  Republiek,  pp.  42-49.  Also 
Blok's  Geschiedenia  van  het  Nederlandache  Volk,  vol.  vi,  p.  564;  Nieuwe  Neder- 
landsche  Jaarboeken,  for  the  year  1795;  and  Vervolg  of  Wagenaars  Voder' 
landsche  Historie,  xxvn. 

*  The  text  of  the  Union  of  Utrecht  has  been  given,  either  in  full  or  abridged, 
by  most  historians  from  Bor  to  Motley.  The  first  separate  edition  is  of 
August  of  the  year  1579.  The  best  edition  is  that  of  Haarlem,  1778.  The  full 
text  and  an  excellent  discussion  thereon  are  found  in  Fruhx^s  Staatsinstellingen, 
edited  by  Colenbrander,  p.  363. 

*  The  abjuration  took  place  in  the  Hague  on  the  26th  of  July,  in  the  Big  Hall 
of  the  Binnenhof,  the  hall  now  used  for  the  joint  sessions  of  the  two  chambers. 

*  On  the  appointment  of  William  I,  see  Fruin's  Staatsinstellingen,  pp. 
402-403. 

'  The  history  of  the  Estates,  as  well  as  a  bibliography  on  the  subject,  will 
be  found  in  Fruin,  pp.  42-52.  The  provincial  estates  are  discussed  in  detail, 
pp.  222-251;  also  pp.  209-213.  The  Estates  General,  pp.  177-193. 

«  For  the  Stadholder,  see  Fruin,  pp.  204-209;  213-222. 

'  For  the  courts  of  justice  in  the  different  provinces,  see  Fruin.  pp.  115- 
144;  for  the  Admiralties,  see  pp.  199-204. 

8  For  the  oflBce  of  the  Raadpensionaris,  see  Fruin,  pp.  72-73;  225-235, 
and  288-289. 

»  There  is  a  large  literature  on  the  subject  of  the  Regents:  G.  W.  Vreede, 
FamUieregeering  ;  Alberdink  Thym,  Het  Patriciaat  te  Amsterdam  ;  de  Witte 
van  Citters,  Contractenvan  Correspondentie ;  Elias,  De  vroedschap  van  Amster- 
dam, 1578-1795.  See  a  curious  map  of  the  relations  between  the  families  in 
the  different  cities  in  the  third  volume  of  Oud  Nederlandsche  Steden,  by 


412  NOTES 

Brugmans  en  Peters.    See  the  article  in  volume  i,  chapter  4,  of  MuUer's 
Onze  Gouden  Eeuw. 

"  As  to  the  power  of  William  III  as  Stadholder,  see  Fruin,  pp.  278-298. 

The  beginning  of  this  chapter  (chapter  ii),  the  scene  in  the  market-place 
in  Utrecht,  has  been  taken  bodily  from  Jorissen's  De  Republiek  in  de  eerste 
Helft  der  achttiende  Eeuw.  To  make  up  for  this  theft,  the  present  author 
wishes  to  call  the  attention  of  the  reader  to  the  excellent  essays  of  Jorissen, 
which,  covering  a  great  many  subjects  of  Dutch  and  foreign  history,  are  al- 
most the  only  ones  in  his  language  which  can  be  read  for  pleasure  as  well  as 
for  instruction. 

*'  Luzac,  Holland^ a  Rykdom.  Groen  van  Prinsterer,  Handboek  der  Geschie- 
denis  van  het  Vaderland,  paragraph  601,  etc.  Diferee,  Geschiedenis  van  den 
N ederlandschen  Handel,  chap.  vi.  Diferee,  De  Fondsenhandel  tydens  de  Re- 
publiek. Blok,  Geschiedenis  van  het  Nederlandsche  Volk,  vol.  vi,  p.  105. 

**  For  statistics  on  the  Sont  trade,  see  Diferee,  p.  177. 

**  For  statistics  on  the  decline  of  the  trade  with  Spain,  the  Levant,  and 
Russia,  see  Diferee,  chap.  vn. 

^*  A  detailed  discussion  on  the  numbers  of  men  and  ships  engaged  in  the 
fisheries  is  given  by  Diferee,  pp.  220-226.  See  also  Beaujon,  The  History  of 
Dutch  Sea  Fisheries,  London,  1884.  Dutch  translation,  1885. 

1'  For  the  decline  of  the  fisheries,  see  Diferee,  p.  435,  where  the  other 
sources  are  given. 

"  For  the  history  of  the  Hollanders  in  the  East  Indies,  see  H.  C.  Rogge, 
"  De  eerste  Nederlandsche  handelsondememing  op  Oost-Indie."  Tydschrift 
van  het  Koninklyk  Aardrykskundig  Genootschap.  1895;  O.  van  Rees,  Geschie- 
denis der  Staatkuishottdkunde  in  Nederland  ;  J.  K.  J.  de  Jonge,  De  opkomst  van 
het  Nederlandsch  gezag  in  Oost  Indie.  1862;  G.  C.  Klerk  de  Reus,  Geschicht- 
licher  Ueberblick  der  administrativen,  rechtlichen  und  finantiellen  Entivickelung 
der  Niederlaendischen  Ostindischen  Compagnie.  1894;  E.  Laspeyres,  Ge- 
sckichte  der  volkswirtschaftliche  Anschauungen  der  Niederlaender  und  ihrer 
lAUeratur  zur  Zeit  der  Republik.  1863;  J.  A.  van  der  Chys,  Geschiedenis  van  de 
stichting  der  Vereenigde  Oostindische  Compagnie.  1857;  J.  E.  Heeres,  Hoe 
Stad  en  Lande  een  bewindhebbersplaata  in  de  Ootindische  Compagnie  machtig 
werden.  Bydr.  voor  vaderl.  gesch.  en  oudheidkunde.  1893.  See  also  the  general 
article  in  Muller's  Gouden  Eeuw  ;  and  for  the  methods  of  the  company  and 
conditions  in  the  East,  see  the  articles  by  N.  P.  van  den  Berg,  Uit  de  dagen  der 
Compagnie. 

"  P.  M.  Netscher,  Geschiedenis  van  de  Kolonien,  Essequibo,  Demerary,  en 
Berbiee.  1888;  M.  G.  de  Boer,  Memorie  over  den  toestand  der  Westind.  Com- 
pagnie inhetjaar  1633.  Bydr.  en  Mededeelingen  Amst.  Hist.  Gen.  1900.  See 
van  Rees,  Staathuishoudkunde,  and  Muller's  Gouden  Eeuw. 


NOTES  413 

**  J.  C.  de  Jonge,  Het  Nederlandsche  Zeewezen.  Appendix  to  vol.  iv. 

"  De  Jonge,  Zeewezen,  vol.  iv,  pp.  231,  281. 

'"  Lieven  de  Beaufort,  Verhandeling  van  den  Vryheid  in  de  Burgerstaat. 
1737. 

*^  J.  C.  Overvoorde,  Geschiedenis  van  het  Postwezen  in  Nederland.  Gives  all 
the  different  postal  routes  in  detail. 

*2  Muller,  Gouden  Eeuw,  vol.  iii,  pp.  131,  139. 

*'  Diferee,  p.  355.  W.  C.  Mees,  Proeve  eener  Gesch.  van  het  Bankwezen  in 
Nederland. 

**  Jorissen,  Maryken-Meu. 

'*  Fruin's  Staatsinstellingen,  pp.  314-320. 

*'  See  Nyhoff,  De  Hertog  van  Brunswyk.  More  interesting  is  the  criticism 
on  Nyhoff  by  de  Beaufort,  Geschiedkundige  Opstellen.  1893. 

"  The  Diary  is  in  the  archives  of  the  Castle  of  Wolfenbuettel.  The  pro- 
fessor who  wrote  the  Apology  was  Schloezer,  of  Goettingen,  and  his  book 
appeared  in  1786. 

"  The  document  is  given  in  full  in  Nyhoff's  Hertog  van  Brunstcyk,  p.  216. 

*'  Knuttel,  Catalogus  van  de  Pamphkettenverzameling  herustende  in  de 
Koninklyke  Bibliotheek,  vol.  v,  no.  19143. 

»»  Knuttel,  nos.  19152-19155. 

*^  For  the  pamphlets  of  this  year,  see  Knuttel,  nos.  19114-19168. 

•*  Vervolg  op  Wagenaar,  vol.  i,  p.  200. 

•'  De  Jonge,  Zeewezen,  vol.  iv,  p.  382. 

'*  For  the  negotiations  between  the  Republic  and  the  American  delegates, 
see  Nyhoff's  Bydragen  voor  vaderlandsche  geschiedenis  en  oudheidkunde.  Derde 
deel.  Derde  stukje.   1842. 

'5  For  this  correspondence,  see  Brieven  van  van  der  Capellen,  p.  123,  etc. 

*^  De  Jonge,  Zeewezen,  vol.  iv,  pp.  409-415. 

»^  Knuttel,  nos.  19371-19389. 

**  Bruckner,  Catherina  II,  p.  391. 

*'  The  letters  are  given  in  full,  Wagenaar,  Vervolg,  vol.  ii,  pp.  427-437. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  19421-19431. 

*^  Brieven  van  van  der  Capellen,  p.  220. 

**  De  Jonge,  Zeewezen,  vol.  iv,  p.  458. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  19563-19564. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  20200-20241. 

*'  For  accounts  of  the  Battle  of  Dogger  Bank,  see  de  Jonge,  vol.  rv,  pp. 
614-541;  Knuttel,  nos.  19572-19629. 

*•  For  a  short  autobiography,  see  his  Brieven,  edited  by  de  Beaufort. 

"  Knuttel,  no.  19756. 

"  Knuttel,  no.  19768. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  19769-19778. 

'"  Knuttel,  no.  19864.  See  also,  A.  Loosjes,  Een  krachtig  Libel,  1886,  and 


414  NOTES 

the  same  author,  Nog  een  en  ander  over  het  Pamphlet  aan  hel  volk  van  Neder- 
land,  1891. 

"  Hartog,  Een  Heftig  Patriot. 

'*  Davies,  Memorials  and  Times  of  Ondaatje. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  20352-20354. 

M  For  pamphlets  against  the  Stadholder,  see  Knuttel,  nos.  20142-20153. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  20333-20336. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  20570-20575.  See  also  van  der  Kemp's  large  work  in 
eight  volumes,  Magazyn  van  atukhen  tot  de  militaire  Jurisdictie  betrekkelyk, 
1781-1783. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  20622-20624. 

"  Knuttel,  no.  20625. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  20603-20611.  Wagenaar,  Vervolg,  vol.  v,  pp.  75-77. 

«o  Knuttel,  nos.  20576-20585;  21011-21025. 

'^  Hogendorp,  Brieven  en  Gedenkschriften,  vol.  ii,  pp.  133-134. 

«  Knuttel,  nos.  20929-20947.  See  also  a  little  booklet  by  te  Lintum,  Uit 
den  Patriottentyd. 

»»  Knuttel,  nos.  20820-20832. 

«<  Knuttel,  nos.  21262-21277. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  21455-21463. 

"  Knuttel,  nos.  21561-21573. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General 

Wagenaak.  Vaderlandsche  Historie.  The  first  twenty-one  volumes 
were  written  by  Wagenaar  himself.  They  bring  the  history  down 
to  the  death  of  William  IV. 

From  1790  to  1796  two  volumes  of  Byvoegsels,  Aanmerkingen  en 
Naleezingen  appeared,  written  by  van  Wyn,  Pensionaris  of  Gouda, 
and  some  collaborators. 

From  1790  to  1791  there  appeared  three  volumes  of  Aanteeken- 
ingen,  by  the  Rev.  Cleyn. 

From  1756  to  1767  Wagenaar's  work  was  translated  into 
German,  and  appeared,  under  the  name  of  Algemeine  Geschichte 
der  Vereinigten  Niederlande,  in  eight  volumes,  in  Leipzig. 

Between  the  years  1757  and  1770  a  French  translation  ap- 
peared, imder  the  name  of  Histoire  GSnirale  des  Provinces  Unies,  in 
Paris,  also  in  eight  volumes. 

In  Dutch  a  second  edition  of  the  first  four  volumes  appeared, 
1752-1759.  A  second  edition  of  the  whole  work  was  issued  in 
1770.  This  same  edition  was  reprinted  in  1782,  '83,  '84.  A  third 
and  new  edition  appeared,  1790-1796,  Ten  abbreviated  editions 
appeared  between  the  years  1758  and  1800.  It  is  not  easy  to  keep 
the  editions  separate. 

Wagenaar  himself  died  in  1773.  Eight  years  later,  between  1781 
and  1787,  there  appeared  seventeen  volumes  under  the  title  of 
Vercolg  op  Wagenaar,  written  by  J.  Munniks;  1788-1789,  three 
volumes  of  Vervolg,  by  Loosjes;  1786-1811,  forty-eight  volumes  of 
Vervolg,  also  by  Loosjes.  They  continue  the  history  down  to  the 
year  1806,  and  are  written  entirely  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
Patriots.  From  1821  to  1826  there  appeared  four  more  volumes, 
which  brought  the  history  down  to  the  year  1810.  These  last  vol- 
umes were  written  by  Stuart. 
Nederlandsche  Jaarhoeken,  in  forty-one  volumes,  were  published 
between  1747  and  1765,  and  Nieuwe  Nederlandsche  Jaarhoeken,  in 


416  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

seventy-nine  volumes,  bringing  the  history  down  to  the  year  1798. 
They  repwrt  in  detail  and  month  for  month  whatever  happened  in 
the  Republic,  and  are  a  veritable  mine  of  general,  although  often 
useless,  information. 

Tegenwoordige  Stoat  der  vereenigde  Nederlanden.  Twenty-three  vol- 
umes, which  appeared  between  1739  and  1805,  give  an  excellent 
description  of  the  internal  conditions  of  the  different  provinces 
during  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

Van  deb  Aa.  Biographisch  woordenboek. 

L.  D.  Petit.  Repertitorium  der  verhandelingen  en  bydragen  betreffende 
de  Geschiedenis  des  Vaderlands  in  tydschrifien  en  mengelwerken  tot  op 
1906  verschenen. 

Biblioiheek  van  Nederlandsche  Pamphletten  in  de  Universiteits 
bibliotheek  te  Leiden.    Two  volumes. 

Knuttel.  Catcdogus  van  de  Pamphletten  verzameling  berustende  in  de 
Koninklyke  Bibliotheek.  For  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, consult  volume  v,  den  Haag,  1905. 

BiLDBBDYK.  Geschiedenis  des  Vaderlands.  Edited  by  Bilderdyk's 
friend  Tydeman,  in  twelve  volumes,  1832-1839.  Written  by  an 
ardent  partisan  of  the  House  of  Orange  and  so  full  of  prejudice 
that  they  are  practically  useless. 

Gboen  van  Peinstebeb.  Handboek  der  Geschiedenis  van  het  Vader- 
land.  First  edition,  1846;  second  edition  in  two  volumes,  1852; 
third  and  new  edition,  1872.  A  most  excellent  handbook.  The 
author,  who  was  an  ardent  Calvinist,  loses  himself  sometimes  in 
short  sermons  on  the  wickedness  of  the  human  race  since  the  days 
of  Voltaire  and  Rousseau,  but  his  history  remains  a  masterpiece, 
even  without  an  index. 

P.  J.  Blok.  Geschiedenis  van  het  Nederlandsche  Volk.  Eight  volumes. 
The  best  modem  general  history,  written  1892-1910.  German 
translation,  1902-1910,  four  volumes,  down  to  1648.  Trans- 
lated into  English  and  published  by  Putnams,  New  York. 

R.  Feuin.  StaatsinsteUingen  in  Nederland  tot  1795.  Edited  by  H. 
T.  Colenbrander.  The  only,  and  at  the  same  time  an  excellent, 
review  of  the  development  of  the  political  institutions  of  the 
Republic. 

NTHorF.  Staatkundige  Geschiedenis  van  Nederland. 

E.  G.  Lanoemans.  RecueU  des  Traitis  condus  par  le  Royaume  des 
Pays  Bos.  Sixteen  volumes. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  417 

De  Beroerten  in  de  Vereenigde  Nederlanden  van  den  Jaare  1300  tot  op 

den  tegenwoordigen  tyd.  Amsterdam,  1788. 
Basnage.    Description  historique  du  gouvernement  des  Provinces 

Unies.  La  Haye,  1719. 
De  WiTTE  VAN  CiTTEBS.  Controcten  Van  Corrcspondentie.  DenHaag, 

1873-1875. 
J.  J.  DE  Bassecour  Caan.  Schets  van  de  Regeeringsvorm  van  de  Neder- 

landsche  Republiek.  1862. 
G.  W.  Vreede.  Familieregeering. 
Slothouwee.    Oligarchische  Misbruiken  in  het  Friessche  staats- 

bestuur.    Utrecht,  1882. 
AiiBEBDiNK  Thym.  Het  Patridaat  te  Amsterdam. 
Haeinxma  thoe  Slooten.  Verkandeling  over  het  Stemrecht  in  Fries- 
land.  Leiden,  1894. 
J.  E.  Eliab.  De  Vroedschap  van  Amsterdam,  1578-1795.  Haarlem, 

1903-1905. 

Newspapers 

Post  van  den  Nederrhyn.  1780-1787.  The  best  written  and  the  best 
edited  paper  of  the  Patriots.  It  had  most  of  the  leading  Patriots 
as  secret  collaborators. 

De  Politieke  Kruyer.  1782-1787.  Patriotic.  A  decidedly  yellow 
sheet. 

Janus,  and  Janus  verrezen.  1787-1798.  De  Politieke  Blixem.  They 
were  more  in  the  line  of  violently  patriotic  pamphlets  than  news- 
papers. 

De  Ouderwetsche  Nederlandsche  Patriot,  edited  by  van  Goens  and 
started  at  the  beginning  of  the  Patriotic  trouble  to  counteract  the 
influence  of  the  Patriotic  papers.  Well  written  and  well  edited, 
but  without  subscribers  and  bankrupt  after  a  year. 

For  general  news  see  Luzac's  Gazette  de  Lyede,  which  during 
that  period  was  still  regarded  as  one  of  the  leading  newspapers 
of  Europe. 

Sautyn  Kluit  has  made  a  special  study  of  these  newspapers  and 
has  published  his  results  in  the  Bydragen  voor  Vaderlandsche 
Geschiedenis  en  Oudheidkunde  in  1868,  '69,  '75,  '77,  '80,  and  '82. 
See  also  his  "Geschiedenis  der  Nederlandsche  Dagbladpers," 
printed  in  the  Bydragen  tot  de  Geschiedenis  van  den  Nederlandschen 
Boekhandel,  vol.  vii. 


418  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

See,  also,  a  special  article  on  the  newspapers  of  Utrecht  in  the 
Bydragen  en  Mededeelingen  van  het  Utrechtsch  Historisch  GenooU 
achap,  1878. 

Commercial  History 

The  principal  work  for  the  history  of  commerce  in  the  latter  half  of 
the  eighteenth  century  is  Luzac.  Holland's  Rykdom.  Leyden, 
1780-1783,  in  four  volumes;  second  edition,  1801.  Luzac  got  most 
of  his  data  from  Accarias  de  la  Serionne's  La  Richesse  de  la 
HoUande.  Translated  into  German,  Die  Handlung  von  Holland. 
Leipzig,  1771. 

O.  VAN  Rees.  Geschiedenis  der  Staathuishoitdkunde  in  Nederkmd. 

Lemoine  de  l'Espine.  De  Koophandel  van  Amsterdam. 

Scheltema.  Riisland  en  de  Nederkmden.    Four  volumes. 

A.  Beaujon.  Overzicht  van  de  Geschiedenis  der  Nederlandsche 
Zeevisschery.  Leiden,  1885. 

W.  Bunk.  Staathuishoudkundige  geschiedenis  van  den  Amsterdam' 
schen  graanhandel.  Amsterdam,  1856. 

Jan  Wagenaar.  Amsterdam  in  zyn  opkomst  enz.  heschreven,  Am- 
sterdam, 1765,  three  volumes.  Finished,  1786,  in  thirteen  volumes. 

W.  VAN  Ravesteyn,  Jr.  Ondersoekingen  over  de  economische  en 
sociale  wetgeving  en  ontwikkeling  van  Amsterdam  gedurendc  de  16de 
en  het  eerste  kwart  der  17 de  eeuw,  Amsterdam,  1906. 

Brugman's  article,  "Handel  en  Nyverheid,"  in  Amsterdam  in  de 
zeventiende  eeuw. 

The  articles  on  Commerce  and  Trade  in  L.  P.  Muller,  Onze 
Gouden  Eeuw,  vol.  iii. 

W.  Heyd.  Histoire  du  Commerce  du  Levant.  Leipzig,  1885-1886,  in 
two  volumes. 

O.  Pringsheim.  Beitrage  zur  vdrtschaftlichen  Entwickelungsgeschichte 
der  vereinigten  Niederlande  im  1 7  und  18  Jahrhundert.  Leipzig,  1890. 

E.  Laspeyres.  Geschichte  der  Volksmrischaf (lichen  Anschauungen 
der  Niederlander  und  ihrer  literatur  zur  Zeit  der  Repuhlik.  Leipzig, 
1863. 

N.  G.  PiERSON.  "Beschouwingen  over  Holland's  welvaart  by  de 
Engelsche  Economisten  der  Zeventiende  Eeuw,"  in  Verspreide 
Economische  geschriften.  Haarlem,  1910. 

BoGAERDE  TER  Brugge.  Essai  sw  I'Importance  du  commerce  dans 
les  Pays  Baa.  1845. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  '  419 

H.  C.  DiFEREE.    De  Geschiedenis  van  den  Nederlandschen  Handel 

Amsterdam,  1908.   A  good  book  which  would  be  better  with  an 

index. 

De  Fondsenkandel  tydens  de  Repuhliek.  Amsterdam,  1908. 
Th.  Stuart.    "De  Amsterdamsche  Makelaardy,"  Bydragen  tot  de 

geschiedenis  van  ome  Handelswetgeving.  Amsterdam,  1879. 

Colonial  History 

J.  K.  J.  DE  JoNGE.  De  Opkomst  van  het  Nederlandsch  Gezag  in  Oost 

Indie.  1862-1888. 
J.  C.  DE  JoNGE.  Geschiedenis  van  het  Nederlandsche  Zeetoezen.  Five 

volumes.  The  Hague,  1828-1862.  The  standard  work  about  the 

Dutch  fleet  and  its  activity  in  the  colonies  and  other  parts  of  the 

globe. 
Meinsma.  Geschiedenis  van  de  Nederlandsche  Oostinidsche  BeziMingen, 

Delft,  1872. 
Klerk  de  Reus.    Geschichdicher  Ueberblick  der  Niederlandischen. 

Ostindischen  Compagnie.  Batavia,  1894. 
J.  A.  VAN  der  Chys.   Geschiedenis  van  de  Stichting  der  Vereenigde 

Oostindische  Compagnie.  Leiden,  1857. 
O.  VAN  Rees.    Geschiedenis  der  Staathuishoudkunde  in  Nederland, 

vol.  II. 
A.  E.  Sayous.  "Le  fractionemen  du  capital  social  de  la  Compagnie 

Neerlandaise  des  Indes  Orientales  au  XVH  et  XV  111  siecles," 

Nottv.  Rev.  Hist,  de  droit  Frangais  et  Etranger.  1901. 
A.  ZiMMERMANN.    Die  KohniolpoUtik  der  Niederldnder.    Berlin, 

1903. 
S.  MuLLER,  FzN.  Geschiedenis  der  Noordsche  Compagnie.  Utrecht, 

1874. 
G.  W.  Kernkamp.   "Stukken  over  de  Noordsche  Compagnie,"  in 

Bydragen  en  Mededeelingen.  Historisch  Genootschap.  Amsterdam, 

1898,  vol.  XIX. 
D.  W.  J.  C.  VAN  Lynden.  De  Commercio  societatis  Indice  Orientalis. 

Schoonhoven,  1839. 
M.  L.  VAN  Deventer.  Geschiedenis  der  Nederlanders  op  Java. 
BoNAssiEux.  Les  Grands  Compagnies.  1892. 

Kampen.  Geschiedenis  der  Nederlanders  buiten  Europa.  1831-1833. 
See  also  the  Bibliography  in  S.  van  Brakel,  De  Hollandsche 

Eandelscompagnien  der  17 de  eeuw. 


420  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

History  of  Social  Life 

Le  Fkancq  van  Berkhey.  Histoire  natureUe  1782.   By  the  sami 

author,  Natuurlyke  Histoire  van  Holland.   1769-1779.  la  eleven 

volumes. 
HoFDYK.  0ns  Voorgeslacht.  Six  volumes.  Haarlem. 
G.  D.  J.  ScHOTEL.  Het  Maatschappelyk  leven  onzer  Voorvaderen  in  de 

zeventiende  eeuw.  Haarlem,  1869. 
Van  Lennep,  Moll  en  teb  Gouw.    Nederlands  Geschiedenis  en 

Volksleven.  Leiden,  1868. 
Van  Ollefen  en  Bakker.  Nederlandsche  Stad  en  Dorpbeschryver. 

Amsterdam,  1793-1801,  in  eight  volumes. 
The  article  on  "Social  Life"  in  P.  L.  Muller's  Onze  Gouden  Eeuw. 
L.  Knappert.  Het  geestelyk  leven  onzer  voorvaderen  in  de  18de  eeuw. 
Bbuqmans  en  Peters.  Oud  Nederlandsche  steden. 
K.  Sluyterman.  Oude  binnenhuizen  in  Nederland. 
W.  Vogelsang.  Anciens  meuhles  HoUandais. 
J.  Dirks.   De  Noord  Nederlandsche  gildepenningen  wetenschappdyh 

en  historisch  beschreven  en  afgebeeld.  Haarlem,  1878-1879. 
H.  Havard.  Histoire  de  la  Faience  de  Delft. 
D.  F.  ScHEURLEER.  Het  Muziekleven  in  Nederland  in  de  tweede  helft 

der  18de  eeuw  in  verband  met  Mozarts  verblyf  aldaar.  Den  Haag, 

1909.  Two  volumes. 
Diderot.  Voyage  en  HoUande,  in  his  complete  works. 
Cloet.   Voyage  pittoresque  dans  le  Royaume  des  Pays  Bas.  1821. 
Anne  Radcliffe.  Journey  through  Holland.  1794. 
Cabr.   Tour  through  Holland.  London,  1807. 
Grabner.  Bri^e  vber  die  vereinigten  Niederlaende.  Gotha,  1792. 
The  political  and  social  history  of  the  Republic  as  described  in 

prints  and  engravings  has  been  minutely  described  in  the  Atlas  van 
.    Stolk. 

The  Republic  and  Joseph  H 

Abneth.  Joseph  II.  Vienna,  1872. 

ScHLiTTER.    Die  Regierung  Josefs  II  in  de  Oesterreichischen  Nieder- 

landen.  Vienna,  1900. 
Colenbrander.  De  Belgische  Omwenteling.  Den  Haag,  1905. 
Bruyssel.  Histoire  politique  de  VEscaut, 
Magnette.  Joseph  II  et  la  LibertS  de  VEscaiU.  lAkge,  1892. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  421 

Hubert.  Le  voyage  de  Joseph  II  en  Belgique.  Brussels,  1900. 

F.  VAN  HoGENDORP.  De  Flumine  Scaldi  Clauso.  Leiden,  1837. 

The  Patriotic  Troubles 

General  History,  Memoirs,  and  Correspondences 
The  standard  work  for  the  general  history  of  this  period  is 

H.  T.  CoLENBRANDER.  De  PotrioUentyd.  Band  I,  1776-1784.  Den 
Haag,  1897.   Band  H,  1784-1786.   Den  Haag,  1898.   Band  III, 

i    1786-1787.  Den  Haag,  1899. 

This  history  is  continued  in  a  more  popular  form  in 

H.  T.  CoLENBRANDER.  De  Boto/ifsche  Republiek.  Amsterdam,  1908. 

Db  Peyster.  Les  Troubles  de  la  HoUavde  a  la  veille  de  la  Revolution 
franqaise.  Paris,  1905. 

Caillard.  Mimoires  sur  la  Rivolution  de  HoUande. 

Mandrillon.  MSmoire  pour  servir  d  Vhistoire  de  la  RSvoliition  des 
Provinces  Unies.  Paris,  1791. 

CoQUELLB.  UAUiancefranco-hollandaise.  1902. 

SoREL.  U Europe  et  la  Rivolution  franqaise.  1885-1904. 

Pierre  de  Witt.  Une  invasion  prussienne  en  Hollande.  Paris,  1886. 

MiRABEAU.  Aux  hataves  sur  le  Stadhouderat.   1788. 

Ellis.  History  of  the  Late  Revolution  of  the  Dutch  Republic.  London, 
1790. 

Maddison.   Introduction  to  the  History  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  reckon- 
ing from  the  Year  1777.  London,  1788. 

G.  and  J.  Robinson.  History  of  the  Internal  Affairs  of  the  United 
Provinces  from  1780  to  1787.  London,  1787. 

J.  K.  J.  DE  JoNGE.  Documents  politiques  sur  les  Revolutions  de  1787  et 

1797.  Den  Haag,  1857. 
D.  M.  M.  d'Yvoy  van  Mydrecht.   Frankryks  invloed  op  de  bui- 
£  terdandsche  aangelegenheden  der  voormalige  nederlandsche  Republiek. 

Arnhem,  1858. 
H.  A.  Weststrate.  Gelderland  in  de  Patriottentyd.  Amhem,  1903. 
Bruinvis.  Het  Patriotismu^  te  Alkmaar.  Alkmaar,  1886. 
Racer.  Overyselsche  gedenkstukken.  Leiden,  1781-1787. 
Von  Pfau.  Geschichte  des  Preussischen  Feldzuges  in  Holland.  Berlin, 

1790.  Translated  into  French  and  Dutch,  1792. 
Trotschke.  Der  Preussiche  Feldzug  in  der  Provinz  Holland.  Berlin, 
i   1873.  An  English  review  of  this  book  appeared  in  the  Edinburgh 

Review,  in  1875. 


422  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Van  der  Aa.  Het  leven  WiUem  V.  In  four  volumes.  1805.  Abso- 
lutely useless.  The  same  caa  be  said  of  the  German  edition  by 
Schenek.  Stuttgart,  1854. 

F.  DE  Bas.  Brieven  van  WiUem  V.  aan  Baron  van  Lynden  van  Bit- 
terswyk.  Den  Haag,  1893. 

Nabeh.  Prinses  Wilhelmina.  Amsterdam,  1908. 
Carolina  van  Oranje.  Haarlem,  1910. 

J.  VAN  Lennep.  Het  leven  van  Mr.  Camelis  van  Lennep  en  Mr.  David 
Jacob  van  Lennep.  Amsterdam,  1865.  A  masterpiece  of  biography 
which  p>reseaits  a  better  picture  of  the  life  of  the  last  fifty  years  of 
the  eighteenth  century  than  any  of  the  other  histories  cht  memoirs. 
The  letters  of  van  Goens  were  edited  by  de  Beaufort,  "Brieven 
aan  R.  M.  van  Goom  en  onuitgegeven  stukken  hem  betreflfende," 
two  volumes  in  Werken  van  het  Utrechtsch  Historisch  Genoot- 
achap.  1884.  De  Beaufort  also  wrote  an  essay  cm  Rycklof 
Michiel  van  Goens  in  his  Geschiedkundige  OpsteUen. 

Many  letters  of  van  Hogendorp  are  collected  in  Brieven  en 
gedenksckriften  van  Gysbert  Karel  van  Hogendorp,  edited  by  F.  van 
Hogendorp.  Den  Haag,  1866,  in  two  volumes. 

J.  A.  SiLiiEM.  Dirk  van  Hogendorp. 

The  letters  of  van  der  Capellen  were  edited  by  de  Beaufort, 
"Brieven  van  en  aan  Joan  Derk  van  der  Capellen  van  de  Poll,"  in. 
the  Werken  van  het  Utrechtsch  Historisch  Genootschap.  1879. 
See  abo  for  van  der  Capellen:  — 

W.  W.  VAN  DEB  MBUiiEN.  "Brieven  van  Joan  Derk  van  der  Capellen 
tot  den  Poll,"  in  Bydragen  en  Mededeelingen  Utrechtsch  Historisch 
Genootschap.  1907,  and  "Brieven  van  C.  J.  van  Beyma  aan 
Caj)ellen  van  de  Poll."  Leeuwarden,  1894.  Van  der  Meulen. 
wrote  an  article  "  Een  en  ander  over  van  der  Caj)ellen  tot  de  Pol  eu 
zyn  Aanhang,"  in  Geschiedkundige  opsteUen  uitgegeven  ter  eere  van 
H.  C.  Rogge.  Leiden,  Sythoff. 

Joachim  Rendorp,  one  of  the  Burgomasters  of  Amsterdam,  wrote 
his  memoirs  under  the  title  of  Memorien  dienende  tot  opheldering 
van  het  geheurde  gedurende  den  laatsten  Engelschen  oorlog.  Amster- 
dam, 1792.  See  also.  Backer,  Leven  van  Mr.  Joachim  Rendorp. 
Amsterdam,  1858. 

P.  J.  Quint  Ondaatje.  Bydragen  tot  de  geachiedenis  der  omwenteling 
van  1878.  Duinkerken,  1792.  The  life  of  Ondaatje  was  written  by 
Mrs.  Davies,  Memorials  and  Times  of  Peter  Philip  Juriaan  Quird 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  423 

Ondaatje,  and  published  in  the  Werken  van  het  Utrechtsch  His- 
torisch  Genootschap.  1870. 

J.  Hartog  wrote  an  article  on  van  der  Kemp  in  his  Uit  de  Dagen 
der  Patriotten.  The  life  of  van  der  Kemp  was  written  by  Fairchild. 
New  York,  1893. 

The  life  of  Valckeuaer  was  written  by  J.  A.  Sillem,  Het  Leven  van 
Mr.  Johan  Valckenaer,  1759-1821.  Amsterdam,  1883. 

Slingelandt  wrote  his  own  Staatkundige  geachriften,  in  five  vol- 
umes. Amsterdam,  1784-1785. 

Jorissen  edited  the  "Memorien  van  Mr.  Diederik  van  Bleis- 
wyk,"  Werken  van  het  Utrechtsch  Historisch  Genootschap.  1887. 

L.  P.  van  de  Spiegel  edited  his  own  Brieven  en  Negotiatien.  Am- 
sterdam, 1803.  See  further,  G.  W.  Vreede,  L.  P.  van  de  Spiegel  en 
zyn  Tydgenooten.  1874-1877. 

G.  W.  Vreede.  Brieven  van  en  aan  van  de  Spiegel  over  de  Ade  van 
Consulentschap.  Den  Haag,  1873. 

WicHERS.  De  Secreete  negotiatien  van  L.  P.  vande  Spiegel  en  Auckland 
met  Dumouriez.  Den  Haag,  1897. 

M.  J.  K.  J,  DE  JoNGE.  MSmoires  et  Correspondances  du  Baron  van 
Kinckel.  Den  Haag,  1857. 

Te  Lintum.   Uit  den  Patriottentyd.  Rotterdam,  1908. 

A.  W.  Engelen(.'*)   Gedenkschriften  van  een  voornaam  Nederlandsch 
beamte.  Tiel,  1882. 

Diaries  and  Correspondence  of  John  Harris,  Lord  Malmesbury.  Four 
volumes.  London,  1845. 

Journal  and  Correspondence  of  Lord  Auckland.  Four  volumes.  Lon- 
don, 1861. 

Von  Goertz.  Historische  und  Politische  Denkvmrdigkeiten.    Two 

^    volumes.  Stuttgart,  1827. 

See  further  the  short  essays  by  de  Beaufort  in  Oranje  en  de 
Democratie.  Hartog,  De  Patriotten  en  Oranje.  Uit  de  Dagen  der 
Patriotten.  Jorissen,  De  Repuhliek  in  de  eerste  helft  der  achttiende 
eeuw;  De  Patriottentyd;  Maryken  Meu,  and  Willem  V. 


INDEX 


Aardenburg,  taken  by  the  French, 

130. 
Acte  van  Considentschap,  drawn 
up  secretly  by  William  V  and 
Duke  of  Brunswick,  169;  pub- 
lished, 369. 
Adams,  John,  arrives  in  the  Re- 
L   public,    279;    oflficially    recog- 
■»  nized  as  American  minister, 

284. 
Affray,  Count  d*,  French  ambas- 
[^  sador  in  the  Hague,  154;  re- 
called, 209. 
Aix-les-Bains,  meeting-place  for 
American  delegate  and  repre- 
sentative from  Amsterdam, 
225. 
America,  United  States  of,  inter- 
est in  the  American  Revolu- 
tion in  Holland,  177;  hope  of 
commercial  advantages,  179; 
smuggling  trade  between 
America  and  Holland,  180; 
pamphlets  on  the  American 
Revolution,  203;  American 
flag  saluted  in  St.  Eustatius, 
215;  American  delegates  in 
Paris  start  correspondence 
with  Holland,  219;  secret 
treaty  between  America  and 
town  of  Amsterdam  discovered 
by  British  government,  253; 
independence  recognized  by 
England,  284;  obtains  Dutch 


loan,  285;  American  political 
system  example  to  many  Pa- 
triots, 359. 

Amersfoort,  town  in  Utrecht, 
Patriotic  riots  in,  390. 

Amsterdam,  proposes  to  sell  Scot- 
tish Brigade,  137;  continues 
negotiations  with  American 
delegates  in  Paris,  222;  its  dif- 
ficult geographical  situation, 
230;  its  secret  treaty  with 
America  is  discovered  by  Brit- 
ish government,  253;  England 
asks  that  Amsterdam  be  pun- 
ished, 259;  attitude  of  Amster- 
dam, 260;  its  acts  officially  dis- 
approved by  the  Estates,  262; 
suggests  establishment  of  re- 
sponsible ministry,  275;  de- 
mands dismissal  of  Duke  of 
Brunswick,  277;  the  Patriots 
in,  301 ;  their  attitude  towards 
the  Stadholder,  302;  attacked 
by  van  Goens,  310;  defends 
itself  against  his  attacks,  316; 
renewed  attacks  by  van 
Goens,  316. 

Anna,  oldest  daughter  of  George 
n  of  England,  wife  of  William 
rV,  succeeds  her  husband,  142; 
her  character,  143;  trouble 
with  her  mother-in-law,  144; 
tries  to  institute  reforms,  152; 
unpopular,  155;  death,  156. 


426 


INDEX 


Armed  Neutrality,  origin  of,  250; 
Republic  decides  to  join,  251, 
263;  decision  of  Republic  to 
join,  too  late,  and  not  admit- 
ted, 273. 

Austrian  Succession,  War  of  the, 
120. 

Baltic,  trade  on,  56, 57;  decline  in 
trade,  269;  stopped,  275. 

Banks,  earliest,  in  the  Republic, 
91. 

Baptists,  position  of,  in  the  Re- 
public, 96. 

Barriere,  fortifications  of  the 
Austrian,  283. 

Bentinck  van  Rhoon,  Count  Will- 
iam, adviser  of  the  Princess 
Anna,  146. 

Bentinck  van  Rhoon,  Count  Will- 
iam Gustavus  Frederic,  leader 
of  the  Orangistic  Party  imder 
William  V,  296. 

Berckel,  Engelbert  Frangois  van, 
Pensionaris  of  Amsterdam, 
conducts  correspondence  with 
American  delegates  in  Paris, 
223;  leader  of  the  Patriots  in 
the  Estates  of  Holland,  301; 
wants  to  be  Raadpensionaris, 
841;  leads  attack  upon  mili- 
tary jurisdiction,  345;  organ- 
izes attack  on  Stadholder 
after  St.  Nicholas  riots,  347; 
delegated  to  ask  Stadholder 
about  Ade  van  Consulentschap, 
870. 

Berckel,  Pieter  Johan  van,  bro- 
ther  of   Engelbert   Fran  sols, 


first  Dutch  minister  to  Amer- 
ica, 285. 

Bylandt,  Count  Frederic  Sigis- 
mund  van,  captain  in  the 
Dutch  navy,  commander  of 
fleet  at  St.  Eustatius,  271. 

Bylandt,  Count  Louis  van, 
Dutch  rear-admiral,  com- 
mands Dutch  fleet  protecting 
merchantmen,  240;  is  stoppjed 
with  his  fleet  near  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  242;  returns  to  Holland 
to  report,  246. 

Bleiswyk,  Pieter  van,  Raadpen- 
sionaris of  Holland,  draws  up 
Acte  van  Consulentschap,  169; 
receives  letters  sent  by  Amer- 
ican delegates  in  Paris,  220; 
informs  Stadholder  of  corre- 
spondence, 221;  his  position 
under  William  V,  296;  term  of 
oflSce  expires,  341;  is  contin- 
ued in  office,  342. 

Brest,  plan  to  send  Dutch  fleet 
to,  to  cooperate  with  French 
fleet,  284. 

Brunswick,  Charles  William  Fer- 
dinand, reigning  Duke  of, 
commands  Prussian  troops  re- 
storing William  V,  394. 

Brunswick,  Louis  Ernst,  Duke 
of,  early  career  of,  147;  charac- 
ter of,  148;  personal  appear- 
ance of,  149;  comes  to  the  Re- 
public, 150;  relations  of,  with 
Princess  Anna,  152;  guardian 
of  William  V,  158;  commander- 
in-chief  of  army  and  navy, 
158;  receives  grants  from  the 


INDEX 


427 


Estates  for  his  services,  163; 
reorganizes  William's  finances, 
161;  makes  William  sign  Ade 
van  Considentschap,  169;  at- 
tacked by  Amsterdam,  276; 
tries  in  vain  to  defend  him- 
self, 277;  leaves  Holland,  278; 
attacked  in  Dumoulin  Report, 
363;  leaves  the  Republic, 
372. 

Cambrai,  Congress  of,  118. 

Capellen,  Joan  Derek  van  der, 
van  de  Poll,  speech  on  Scottish 

\    Brigade,    185;    character    of, 

I  189;  translates  Richard  Price's 
pamphlet.  Essay  on  Nature  of 
Civil  Liberty,  195;  receives 
thanks  of  Americans,  198;  cor- 
responds with  PaulJones,  236; 
correspondence  of,  with  Amer- 
ican statesmen,  discovered  by 
British,  252;  invests  money  in 
America,  280;  author  of  To  the 
People  of  the  Netherlands,  323; 
pamphlet  confiscated,  324; 
contents  of  pamphlet,  327;  re- 
moved from  Estates  of  Over- 
ysel,  339;  readmitted,  340;  his 
readmission  celebrated,  353; 
death  of,  372. 

Catholics,  position  of,  in  Repub- 
lic, 96. 

City  life  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, 100. 

Clergy,  position  of,  in  the  old  Re- 
public, 107;  under  William  V, 
298. 

Collections,  of  paintings  and  val- 


uable curiosities,  interest  in, 
113. 

Constitution,  diflFerent  constitu- 
tions of  the  Batavian  Repub- 
lic, 403. 

Contraband  of  war,  227. 

Corvees,  in  Overysel,  attacked 
by  Capellen,  339. 

Crisis,  frequency  of  financial 
crises,  49. 

Daendels,  Herman  Willem, 
Dutch  Patriot,  leader  of  riot  in 
Hattem,  387. 

Danckelmann,  Baroness  von, 
comes  to  Holland  with  Prin- 
cess Wilhelmina,  172. 

Deane,  Silas,  American  delegate 
in  Europe,  writes  to  the  Re- 
public, 219. 

Doggersbank,  battle  of,  281. 

Dordrecht,  Patriots  in,  304;  re- 
fuses longer  to  recognize  right 
of  appointment,  343. 

Dumas,  unofficial  agent  of  Amer- 
icans in  Republic,  223;  serves 
as  go-between  in  negotiations 
with  Amsterdam,  224. 

Dumoulin,  Dutch  general  and 
famous  engineer,  his  report  on 
state  of  fortifications,  363. 

East  India  Company,  formation 
of,  61 ;  losses  of,  in  English  war, 
270. 

Editorials,  first  use  of,  334. 

Elburg,  village  in  Gelderland, 
riots  in,  387. 

Elzevier,    captain    of    Patriotic 


428 


INDEX 


militia  in  Rotterdam,  meets 
with  trouble,  365-367. 

Emigrants,  Patriotic,  in  Bel- 
gium, 396. 

England,  asks  Republic  for  assist- 
ance, 127,  153;  request  refused 
by  Republic,  155;  complains 
severely  about  smuggling  on 
St.  Eustatius,  180;  dispute  of, 
with  Republic  about  Scottish 
Brigade,  184;  renews  com- 
plaint about  smuggling,  212; 
demands  recall  of  governor  of 
St.  Eustatius,  216;  difficulties 
with,  about  contraband  of  war, 
227;  asks  assistance,  232;  de- 
clares war  on  Republic,  265; 
captures  Dutch  ships,  267;  cap- 
tures St.  Eustatius,  270;  tries 
repeatedly  to  make  peace,  280; 
fights  last  battle  with  Repub- 
lic, 281;  recognizes  America, 
285;  makes  peace  with  the  Re- 
public, 286;  former  influence 

'   of,  in  Republic  lost,  287. 

Estates  General,  their  origin,  23. 

Estates,  provincial,  their  origin 
and  formation,  19. 

St.  Eustatius,  smuggling  in,  with 
America,  180;  protests  of  Eng- 
land against,  181;  taken  by 
English,  271. 

Feudalism,  in  the  Low  Countries, 

6. 
Fielding,    Commodore    Charles, 

stops  Dutch  fleet  under  van 
.  Bylandt,   242;    takes    Dutch 

ships  to  Portsmouth,  244. 


Fisheries,  59. 

Fleet,  neglect  of,  after  1715,  77; 
comparative  strength  of  dif- 
ferent fleets,  218. 

France,  invades  Dutch  Flanders, 
128;  takes  Dutch  territory, 
129;  tries  to  gain  influence  in 
Republic,  209;  secret  treaty 
with  America,  217;  strength  of 
army  and  navy,  218;  tries  to 
influence  Republic  in  matter 
of  contraband  of  war,  228; 
threatens  to  revoke  favorable 
tariflF  laws,  229;  makes  treaty 
with  Republic,  287;  refuses  to 
help  Republic  against  Prussia, 
392;  declares  war  upon  the  Re- 
public, 398. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  correspond- 
ence of,  with  the  Republic,  219. 

Frederic  Henry,  Stadholder  of 
Holland,  33. 

Frederick  the  Great,  120. 

Frederick  William,  King  of  Prus- 
sia, demands  apology  for  treat- 
ment of  Princess  Wilhelmina, 
392;  threatens  invasion,  393; 
collects  army  of  20,000  men, 
393;  sends  ultimatum,  394;  in- 
vades Republic,  394. 

Free  Corps,  formation  of,  354; 
popular,  355;  in  Utrecht  and 
Rotterdam,  356;  in  Amster- 
dam, 356;  op>en  their  ranks  to 
dissenters,  357;  mancEuvres  of, 
358;  numbers,  376;  Regents 
try  to  disband  them,  386;  run 
away  before  Prussians,  394.   ^ 

Friesland,  Patriots  in,  307.  .  ' ' 


INDEX 


429 


Gelderland,  Patriots  in,  305. 

Gyselaer,  Cornelis  de,  Pension- 
aris  of  Dordrecht,  341;  leader 
of  Patriotic  party  meetings, 
353;  brings  Dumoulin  Report, 
363;  delegated  to  ask  Stad- 
holder  about  Ade  van  Consu- 
lentschap,  370;  again  leads  Pa- 
triotic meeting,  383;  attacks 
Stadholder  in  Estates  of  Hol- 
land, 389, 

Goens,  Rycklof  Michiel  van,birth 
of,  310;  professor  in  Utrecht, 
311;  quarrel  of,  with  Hofstede, 
311;  attacks  Amsterdam,  314; 
contents  of  his  pamphlets,  315; 
second  pamphlet  called  Seven 
Villages  in  Flames,  316;  con- 
tents, 316;  starts  newspap)er, 
320;  attacked  from  all  sides, 
321;  deserted  by  Stadholder, 
321;  leaves  country,  322; 
death,  322. 

Graefif  de,  appointed  governor 
of  St.  Eustatius,  as  successor 
of  Heyliger,  198;  salutes  the 
American  flag,  215;  recalled, 
216;  returns  to  St.  Eustatius, 
216. 

Grippe,  first  epidemic  of,  in  Re- 
public, 348. 

Guilds,  loss  of  importance  of,  135. 
'*^ 

Haarlem,  Patriots  in,  304. 

Hague,  the,  social  life  in,  under 
William  V,  293;  St.  Nicholas 
riots,  345. 

Haren,  Onno  Zwier  van,  leader  of 
prominent  Frisian  family,  sup- 


porters of  the  Stadholder, 
160. 

Hattem,  village  in  Gelderland, 
riots  in,  387. 

Heyliger,  governor  of  St.  Eusta- 
tius, 198;  recalled,  198. 

Helder,  naval  port  in  Holland,  231 . 

Hoen,  Pieter  't,  editor  of  Post  of 
the  Lower  Rhine,  335. 

Hofstede,  leader  of  the  Dutch 
clergy  under  William  V,  at- 
tacks van  Goens,  311;  attacks 
van  der  Marck,  325. 

Hood,  Sir  Samuel,  commander 
under  Rodney  at  St.  Eusta- 
tius, 270. 

Investments  in  foreign  and  do- 
mestic securities,  214. 

Jews,  interest  of,  in  politics,  307. 

Jones,  John  Paul,  arrives  in 
Helder,  233;  his  exploits  in 
North  Sea,  233;  correspond- 
ence of,  with  Capellen,  236; 
diflSculty  about  landing  his 
wounded,  237;  repairs  ships, 
239;  makes  f)opular  tour 
through  Republic,  239;  leaves 
Republic,  240;  what  van  Goens 
thought  about  him,  315. 

Joseph  n,  visits  Republic,  282; 
attacks  Barriere,  283;  his  de- 
mands, 286;  threatens  Repub- 
lic, 287;  allows  himself  to  be 
bought  off,  287. 

Kaat  Mossel,  364. 

Kemp,  Francis  Adrian  van  der. 


430 


INDEX 


Dutch  clergyman,  leader  of  the 
Patriots,  324;  his  studies,  325; 
his  career,  326;  political  activi- 
ties of,  332;  interest  of,  in  at- 
tack upon  military  jurisdiction, 
345;  leads  riots  in  Wyk-by- 
Duurstede,  387. 

Keppel,  British  captain,  takes 
Henry  Laurens  and  his  Dutch 
papers  on  board  the  Mercurius, 
253. 

Kingdom  of  Holland,  404. 

Laurens,  Henry,  taken  prisoner 
on  way  to  Holland,  253. 

Learned  societies,  113. 

Lee,  Arthur,  corresponds  with 
Republic,  219. 

Lee,  William,  meets  Amsterdam 
delegate  in  Aix-les-Bains,  225. 

Leyden,  celebration  of  relief  of,  in 
1574,  177. 

Louis  Napoleon,  King  of  Hol- 
land, 404. 

Lower  classes,  and  their  support 
of  the  Stadholder,  298. 

Lutherans,  their  p>osition  in  the 
Republic,  96. 

Marck,  Professor  van  der,  at- 
tacked by  Hofstede,  325.    '" 

IVIary  Louise,  of  Hesse-Cassel, 
mother  of  William  V,  122; 
grandmother  of  William  V, 
159;  is  Stadholder  of  Friesland 
during  minority  of  William  V, 
159;  tries  to  appoint  William's 
sister  as  Regent,  159. 

Maria  Theresa,  120. 


Maurice,  second  Stadholder  of 
the  Republic,  32. 

Middle  Ages,  the  Low  Countries 
during,  4. 

Middle  classes,  daily  life  of, 
100. 

Militia,  formation  of,  36;  demand 
of  reforms  in,  136. 

Military  jurisdiction,  attacked 
by  Patriots,  345. 

Monetary  system  of  the  Repub- 
lic, 90. 

Nassau  la  Leek,  Count  of,  writer 
on  American  Revolution,  200. 

Neerwinden,  battle  of,  399. 

Neufville,  Jean  de,  Amsterdam 
merchant,  sent  to  Aix-les- 
Bains  to  negotiate  with  Amer- 
ican delegate,  225;  returns 
to  Amsterdam  with  concept 
treaty,  226;  his  treaty  dis- 
covered by  Enghsh,  254;  its 
contents,  255. 

Newspai>ers,  114. 

Nymegen,  residence  of  William 
V,  385. 

Nobility,  lead  at  first  in  war  with 
Spain,  12;  estranged  from 
House  of  Orange,  143. 

Old-Fashioned  Dutch  Patriot,  Or- 
angistic  paper  started  by  van 
Goens,  320. 

Ondaatje,  Pieter  Philip  Jurriaan 
Quint,  his  origin  and  studies, 
335;  leader  of  Utrecht  riots, 
881. 

Overysel,  Patriots  in,  306. 


INDEX 


431 


Paddenberg,  printer  of  Post  of  the 
Lower  Rhine,  335;  sued  for  li- 
bel, 337;  found  not  guilty,  338. 

Paine,  Thomas,  books  of,  trans- 
lated into  French  in  Amster- 
dam, 202. 

Parker,  Sir  Hyde,  commander  of 
British  fleet  at  Doggersbank, 
281. 

Patriotic  party,  its  composition, 
300;  in  Amsterdam,  301;  in 
Rotterdam,  303;  in  Haarlem 
and  Dordrecht,  304;  in  Zee- 
land,  304;  in  Utrecht,  305;  in 
Gelderland,  305;  in  Overysel, 
306;  in  Friesland,  307;  meeting 
of  Patriots,  353;  political  pro- 
gramme, 359;  second  meeting, 
383;  Patriotic  riots  in  Amers- 
foort,  387;  in  Hattem  en  El- 
burg,  387;  fortification  of 
Utrecht  by  Patriots,  390;  col- 
lapse of  the  party,  396;  emi- 
gration of  the  leaders  of,  396. 

Paulus,  Pieter,  tries  to  bring 
about  compromise  between 
Stadholder  and  Patriots,  297; 
lives  in  Rotterdam,  303. 

Philosophy,  study  of  philosophy 
in  the  Republic,  112. 

Polish  Succession,  War  of  the, 
118. 

Political  clubs,  358. 

Postal  system,  87;  reforms  in,  de- 
manded, 137. 

Post  of  the  Lower  Rhine,  Patriotic 
paper,  320;  attacks  Stadholder, 
335;  mentions  existence  of  Acte 
van  Consvlenischap,  370. 


Price,  Richard,  his  Essay  on  Na- 
ture of  Civil  Liberty,  translated 
by  Capellen,  195. 

Raadpensionaris,  power  of  the  of- 
fice, 27,  29. 

Reaction,  in  favor  of  the  Stad- 
holder, 397. 

Reformation,  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, 9. 

Regents,  origin  and  power  of,  29; 
social  life  of,  93. 

Regulation  of  Utrecht,  377. 

Restoration  of  William  V  by  the 
Prussians,  394. 

Rodney,  Sir  Greorge  Bridges, 
takes  St.  Eustatius,  270. 

Rotterdam,  favors  appointment 
of  William  IV,  131;  Patriots  in 
Rotterdam,  303;  opposition  to 
power  of  the  Stadholder,  343; 
Patriotic  troubles,  350;  Kaat 
Mossel  riots,  364. 

Russia,  trade  with,  58;  Armed 
Neutrality,  250,  273. 

St.  Nicholas  riots  in  the  Hague, 
346. 

Schoonhoven,  opposes  power  of 
Stadholder,  343. 

Scottish  Brigade,  origin  of,  183; 
England  asks  for  loan  of  Bri- 
gade, 184;  discussion  of  this 
request  by  Estates,  185;  Ca- 
pellen attacks  proposal,  185; 
remains  in  Holland,  188. 

Seven  Years'  War,  153. 

Spain  declares  war  upon  Eng- 
land, 232. 


432 


INDEX 


Stadholder,  power  of,  and  origin 
of  office,  24-30.  See  William 
IV  and  WiUiam  V. 

Surinam,  history  of,  74;  Amer- 
ican ship  captured  in,  212. 

Taxes,  demand  for  refonn  of,  136; 
amount  paid  to  Napoleon,  402. 

Theatre,  position  of,  in  the  Re- 
public, 106. 

Tolerance,  62. 

Travel,  mode  of,  in  the  Republic, 
83. 

Treaty  of  commerce  with  Amer- 
ica, discovered  by  the  English, 
253. 

Trotz,  professor  of  law  in  Frane- 
ker  and  Utrecht,  191. 

Union  of  Utrecht,  15. 

Universities,  109-112. 

Utrecht,  Patriots  in,  305;  riots 
in,  376,  383;  made  advance 
post  of  Patriots,  390;  surren- 
dered to  Prussians,  394. 

Vauguyon,  Paul  Frangois  de 
Guelon,  Duke  of,  succeeds 
d'AflFray  as  French  ambassador 
in  the  Hague,  209;  work  of,  in 
the  Republic,  210. 

Veere,  demands  app>ointment  of 
Stadholder,  130. 

Vlissingen,  demands  appoint- 
ment of  Stadholder,  130. 

West  Indian  Company,  origin  of, 
70;  during  the  last  English  war, 
270. 


Wyk  -  by  -  Duurstede,  riots  in, 
387. 

Wilhelmina,  Frederica  Wilhel- 
mina  Sophia,  daughter  of  Au- 
gust of  Prussia,  brother  of 
Frederick  the  Great,  marries 
William  V,  171;  arrives  in  the 
Hague,  172;  daily  life  of,  in  the 
Hague,  295;  goes  to  Holland, 
391 ;  is  stopped  by  the  Patriots, 
392. 

William  I,  r61e  of,  in  revolution 
against  Spain,  14;  death  of, 
17. 

William  IV,  family  and  early 
youth  of,  22;  education  of,  123.; 
university  studies  of,  124;  in- 
herits large  German  estates, 
125;  api)ointed  Stadholder, 
132;  hereditary  Stadholder, 
134;  character  of,  138;  fails  to 
institute  desired  reforms,  138; 
loss  of  popularity  by,  139; 
death  of,  140. 

William  V,  death  of  father  of, 
142;  death  of  mother  of,  158; 
character  and  appearance  of, 
164;  Ade  van  Consulentschap, 
168;  marries  Frederica  Wil- 
helmina Sophia  of  Prussia, 
171;  his  fear  of  Yorke,  208; 
informed  of  letters  sent  by 
the  American  delegates  to 
the  Raadpensionaris,  221;  de- 
mands punishment  of  Amster- 
dam, 259;  tries  to  fit  out  a  fleet 
during  the  English  war,  274; 
refuses  to  be  assisted  by  re- 
sponsible ministry,  275;  goes 


INDEX 


433 


to  Texel,  275 ;  refuses  to  dismiss 
the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  277; 
temporary  popularity  after 
battle  of  Doggersbank,  282; 
daily  life  of,  in  the  Hague,  290; 
influence  of,  with  army  and 
navy,  297;  influence  of,  with 
clergy,  298;  influence  of,  with 
lower  classes,  298;  in  Zeeland, 
304;  vainly  attacks  Patriotic 
newspapers,  335;  loses  part  of 
his  power  in  several  cities,  343; 
fight  on  military  jurisdiction, 
345 ;  St.  Nicholas  riots,  trouble 
of,  W.  in  connection  therewith, 
346,  347;  sends  troops  to  Rot- 
terdam, 368;  defends  Ade  van 
Consnlentschap,  370;  asks  Pa- 
triotic Free  Corps  to  assist 
against  Austria,  375;  deprived 
of  the  command  of  the  garri- 
son in  the  Hague,  384;  leaves 
the  Hague,  384;  sends  troops 
against  Hattem  and  Elburg, 
388;  asked  to  explain  his  con- 
duct by  Estates  of  Holland, 
389;  answer  of,  389;  deprived 
of  commandership  of  troops  of 
Holland,  390;  goes  to  Amers- 
foort,  390;  urged  to  return  to 
Holland,  391;  restoration  and 
return  of,  to  the  Hague,  395; 


leaves  the  Republic,  400;  death 
of,  400. 
Witt,  de,  Raadpensionaris  of  Hol- 
land, 38. 

Yorke,  Sir  Joseph,  British  repre- 
sentative in  the  Hague,  207; 
relations  of,  with  Stadholder, 
208;  with  Regents,  209;  re- 
fuses to  listen  to  complaints 
about  privateering,  213;  com- 
plains about  de  Graefif,  216; 
asks  Stadholder  about  Amer- 
ican correspondence,  221 ;  asks 
support  of  Republic  against 
France,  232;  protests  against 
presence  of  Jones  in  Texel, 
240;  again  warns  the  Republic, 
247;  presents  copy  of  captured 
papers  of  Laurens  to  the  Stad- 
holder, 258;  asks  punishment 
of  Amsterdam,  258;  leaves  the 
Hague,  264. 

Zeeberg,  Adriaan  van,  Pension- 
aris  of  Haarlem,  34. 

Zeeland,  Patriots  in,  304. 

Zierikzee,  asks  about  Ade  van 
Considentschap,  370. 

Zoutman,  Johan  Arnold,  com- 
mands Dutch  fleet  at  Doggers- 
bank,  281. 


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